With the Sudan war entering its eleventh month, American policy appears significantly confused in finding a suitable formula to deal with the ongoing situation. This is especially true given the United States' substantial political and diplomatic investment in supporting Sudan's democratic transition, such as backing the political agreement following the decisions of the Chairman of the Sudanese Sovereignty Council, General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, in October 2021.

The new development on the American scene is the emergence of several movements, most notably within Congress, to pressure President Joe Biden's administration to take concrete steps to address the escalating situation in Sudan due to the ongoing war with no clear end in sight. This comes amid increasing risks of its expansion, threatening the fragile stability in Sudan's neighboring countries, alongside clear external interventions driven by conflicting interests and opposing factions.

This article aims to study the recent American movements concerning the conflict in Sudan, the extent of these movements, and how successful they might be in creating a breakthrough that could lead to an acceptable formula to stop the war and expedite the achievement of a comprehensive peace agreement.

Congressional Moves: Concurrent Resolution

A concurrent resolution regarding the situation in Sudan has been presented to Congress by the Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, Benjamin Cardin, and the ranking Republican member, Jim Risch, along with a group of bipartisan lawmakers, citing numerous reports.

The resolution states that the Senate "condemns the atrocities, including those reaching the level of genocide, committed by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and allied militias against the Masalit tribe and other ethnic groups in Darfur." The resolution reveals that the RSF has carried out "extrajudicial arrests, torture, beatings, extortion, sexual and gender-based violence, gang rape, sexual slavery, and forced displacement." ⁽¹⁾

The resolution, which could pave the way for subsequent steps from the administration, calls for mediation to achieve a comprehensive ceasefire and end the violence and atrocities being committed. It urges the U.S. administration to take urgent steps to work with the international community to find means to protect civilians, "including the establishment of humanitarian corridors and safe zones," and to activate the UN Security Council resolution on the arms embargo to Darfur. It also proposes adopting specific steps and measures to monitor violations and crimes for the purpose of accountability.

The resolution, which could potentially become law, calls on the U.S. administration to support the regular documentation of atrocities and genocidal practices related to Sudan, and to support international criminal courts and investigations to hold the RSF accountable. It also calls for the Atrocity Prevention Task Force to "conduct a comprehensive review of its efforts to prevent, analyze, and respond to atrocities in Sudan in line with the U.S. 2022 Strategy to Anticipate, Prevent, and Respond to Atrocities. " ⁽²⁾

The movement of this group of Congress members interested in Sudan emerged against the backdrop of criticisms directed at the Biden administration for not giving sufficient attention to the Sudanese crisis and for the President not showing tangible interaction or serious concern despite the gravity of the situation. Last week, these members presented a resolution more severe in its content than previous ones, classifying the RSF's practices in Darfur against specific ethnic groups as "genocide." This classification draws a parallel to the events in the Sudanese region between 2003 and 2004 by the Janjaweed militia, which led Congress and then-President George W. Bush's administration to declare genocide in Darfur, followed by subsequent punitive measures.

Molly Phee's Efforts

On the other hand, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Molly Phee has been active in the region, reiterating her country’s commitment to finding a peaceful solution to the conflict in Sudan. In a virtual press conference, she emphasized that the United States is highly concerned about the Sudanese issue and is working through various channels with other partners to achieve sustainable peace. However, she denied any knowledge of the U.S. administration planning to appoint a special envoy to Sudan. ⁽³⁾

Molly Phee attended African Union meetings in Addis Ababa recently, seeking a new pathway to rescue the negotiation processes that have failed under U.S. auspices, including the Jeddah and IGAD platforms. She also met with the delegation of the Democratic Civil Forces Coordination (Taqaddam) in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, discussing the developments in Sudan, efforts to end the war, achieve peace, and the future plans of the Taqaddam coordination. ⁽⁴⁾

The U.S. and Sudan: Upcoming Scenario

From recent congressional moves and Molly Phee's tour, it appears that the United States may shift from its previously lukewarm response to the violent developments in Sudan, drawing on its stances toward other conflicts in the Middle East and Africa over the past decade. ⁽⁵⁾ This shift could involve crafting new, astute approaches to handling the Sudanese issue, leveraging its influence in international economic, financial, and political institutions due to its institutional legacy. The U.S. Department of State should learn from past mistakes in Iraq and Afghanistan, as relying on groups lacking moral, intellectual, historical, and social standing can hinder progress and lead to setbacks, plunging the country into further despotism and corruption.

The U.S. seems to lack sufficient leverage over the Sudanese military, which has recently been armed by countries considered adversaries of the United States, such as Russia, Iran, and China. Moreover, there is no clear roadmap or action plan from the U.S. administration.

The information on which the administration bases its decisions seems to be often inaccurate and serves the interests of groups close to the U.S. administration within Sudan more than it protects long-term U.S. interests. This deprives decision-makers of an accurate understanding of the situation, leading to policies and interventions that are less effective.

Applying pressure in the Sudanese arena through various means, such as sanctions and accountability for war atrocities, remains America's preferred policy. However, the main determinant of the U.S. approach to developments in Sudan is its reflection on U.S. interests. Washington's policy toward the Sudanese conflict in the coming months may be subject to some change, influenced by the presidential race of 2024 and potential changes in leadership at the White House.

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(1) Rana Abtar, "A Draft Resolution in Congress Accuses the Rapid Support Forces of Committing Genocide Crimes," Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, February 13, 2024, link: https://shorturl.at/ginBZ.

(2) Othman Mirghani, "What is America Planning for Sudan?" Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, February 15, 2024, link: https://shorturl.at/uwHP1.

(3) U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs: "We are Working to Change the Reckless and Destructive Course of the Warring Parties in Sudan," Radio Dabanga, January 30, 2024, link: https://shorturl.at/elsux.

(3) A Delegation from "Tagammu" Meets U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Molly in Addis Ababa, Radio Dabanga, February 15, 2014, link: https://shorturl.at/dlEFJ.

(6) Maha Allam, "Calculated Engagement: Washington and the Violent Developments in Sudan," Egyptian Center for Strategic Studies, May 22, 2023, link: https://ecss.com.eg/34211.

(4) Alwaleed Adam Madibo, "Rebellion or Collapse of a Political and Military System," Al-Taghyeer Electronic Newspaper, February 15, 2024, link: https://shorturl.at/orsAD.

(5) Othman Nawai, "American Policy Towards Sudan: Where is it Leading?" Al-Rakoba Newspaper, February 16, 2024, link: https://shorturl.at/qKSVZ.

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