Admin Mugtama

Admin Mugtama

 

 

It is inevitable that economic interests are not the only driving force behind historical events; ideological aspects and historical emotions also play a significant role, especially when common interests converge. The Jewish-Persian relationship has been a dynamically renewed one throughout history, as evidenced by the texts of the Torah, which we will mention from their original sources.

A series of calamities

Historically, it is established that the Jews have faced a series of calamities throughout their history, the harshest of which was the Assyrian invasion of the Kingdom of Israel and its capital, Samaria, in 721 BCE, followed by the Babylonian invasion of the Kingdom of Judah in 597 BCE, and then in 587 BCE, which was accompanied by the destruction of the Temple and the exile of most of the people of Judah to Babylon after they killed the king who had rebelled against his Babylonian masters.

King of Judah

The Torah states: "So they captured the king and brought him up to the king of Babylon at Riblah, and they took him to task and killed the sons of Zedekiah (the king of Judah) before his eyes; they also put out the eyes of Zedekiah and bound him with chains of bronze and brought him to Babylon," (II Kings 25:6-7).

Nebuchadnezzar

The scene appears extremely humiliating, and the Torah goes on to speak about the captain of the royal guard for the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar: "And he burned the house of the Lord and the king's house and all the houses of Jerusalem and every great house he burned with fire... Thus, the people of Judah were taken captive from their own land," (II Kings 25:8-21).

The echo of humiliation from the Babylonian conquest resonates within the Jewish mentality and in all the texts of the Torah in a prominent and unmistakable manner, where the destruction of the Temple is seen as a profound humiliation that the Jewish psyche has never and will never overcome, since they believed they were the chosen people of the Lord who would never abandon them.

Jews to return to Jerusalem

In 539 BCE, the Achaemenid Persian king Cyrus was able to conquer Babylon and allowed the Jews to return to Jerusalem if they wished; this was to use them as a forward base against the Pharaohs in Egypt, while the Torah elevated him, as was its custom, to the ranks of the prophets, even though he was a pagan who worshiped the gods of Babylon. The Torah states, "Thus says Cyrus king of Persia: The Lord God of heaven has given me all the kingdoms of the earth, and He has charged me to build Him a house at Jerusalem which is in Judah. Who is among you of all His people? May the Lord his God be with him, and let him go up," (II Chronicles 36:23).

The text appears to be fabricated from the perspective of giving the event a religious coloring.

During the reign of king Cambyses II (529–522 BCE), who succeeded Cyrus and invaded Egypt, he settled the Jews on one of the islands of the Nile called Philae as a protection against possible rebellions of the Egyptians against him.

The reign of Darius I

The alliance continued to flourish during the reign of Darius I (522–486 BCE), during which the Temple was inaugurated in the sixth year of his reign, and it was insignificant compared to the first Temple, to the extent that "many of the priests and Levites and heads of the fathers’ houses who saw the first temple, wept with a loud voice when the foundation of this temple was laid, while many shouted for joy," (Ezra 3:12).

King Artaxerxes I

The work to strengthen the advanced military center of Jerusalem by the Persians continued, and the Jews thought that the Persians were serving them because the Lord had appointed them for this task, based on the idea of the sacred people that their God does not forget. King Artaxerxes I (456 – 424 BC) wanted to strengthen the walls of Jerusalem and send more Jews there, but the Torah frames the story in a divine context, stating: "There was a prophet named Nehemiah who served as a cupbearer to the king, and the king noticed his distress. This alleged prophet, who only knew how to serve wine, informed him that he wanted to return to Jerusalem to strengthen its walls and enhance the prestige of the small temple. The Persian king said: 'We inform you that all the priests, Levites, singers, gatekeepers, and workers in the temple are exempt from any tribute or tax... And let it be decreed that anyone who does not apply the law of your God and the law of the king shall be put to death or exiled or face a financial penalty or imprisonment,' Ezra 7:24-26."

Sense of superiority

Nehemiah returned alongside Ezra, the second significant figure in Jewish religion after Moses (peace be upon him), who established the racial foundations, stating: "And now do not give your daughters to their sons, nor take their daughters for your sons, and do not seek their peace or prosperity, that you may be strong and eat the good of the land and leave it as an inheritance to your children forever," Ezra 9:12.

This text indicates the Jews' animosity towards their neighbors and their sense of superiority, especially after the Persian king generously bestowed upon them untold amounts of gold and silver to adorn the second temple, according to the claims of the Torah.

The reign of King Ahasuerus

We intentionally skipped over the reign of King Ahasuerus (485 – 465 BC), who was a cruel and tyrannical ruler and was assassinated by one of his aides. However, the Torah elevates him to the ranks of saints because of Esther! This is due to the importance of understanding his story with the Jews outside the context of the temple.

In a stormy wine session, "the goblets from which the wines were served were of gold, and the vessels of the tables were of various kinds, and the royal wines were in abundance due to the king's generosity," Esther 1:7. The king orders the replacement of the queen who disobeyed his command to attend his banquet, and hundreds of women from various parts of the vast kingdom are brought forth; he chooses a beautiful Jewish woman, the niece of Mordecai the cupbearer, named Esther.

Haman

The narrative states that the king's minister Haman wanted to entrap the Jews, exiling and killing them, and Mordecai became aware of this. The Torah says: "So Mordecai tore his clothes and put on sackcloth and ashes and went into the midst of the city, and he cried out with a loud and bitter cry," Esther 4:1. The practice of lamenting was a deeply rooted Jewish custom that the Persians and their followers adopted to this day.

The Torah is filled with such texts, including one regarding the treacherous death of one of David's supporters, which states: "David commanded his leaders and all the people who were with him, saying: Tear your clothes and put on sackcloth and cover your faces with dust in mourning for Abner," 2 Samuel 3:31.

Mordecai appeals to his niece, who intercedes with the king, leading to the execution of Haman, his sons, and his associates. “And the remaining Jews spread throughout the provinces of the king gathered and defended themselves, and they rested from their enemies after they killed seventy-five thousand” (Esther 9:16).

The Book of Esther

The Book of Esther, which contains no mention of the Lord or any divine reference, states: “And Mordecai recorded these events and sent letters to all the Jews near and far, urging them to celebrate every year on the fourteenth and fifteenth days of the month of Adar, which were the days when the Jews rested from their enemies” (Esther 9:20-22).

Jews continue to commemorate these events today in a festival called Purim.

As for Mordecai, the uncle of the Jewish queen Esther, the commonly circulated Torah exaggerates his status to mythical levels: “And King Ahashuerus imposed a tribute on the land and the islands of the sea, and Mordecai the Jew became second in rank to King Ahashuerus and held a prominent position among the Jews” (Esther 10:1-3).

These are the perceived virtues of the Persians by the Jews, whom they imagined to be a divine message, while it was nothing more than a transaction of interests.

Friendly relationship

The covert friendly relationship between Jews and Persians is beyond discussion, and the apparent conflict in our day under the guise of the Islamic Republic is merely political hypocrisy dictated by a shared interest in the region and the control of its resources.

Many Western Zionist politicians have been heavily influenced by these sentiments, including former U.S. President Harry Truman (1945-1953), who boasted of reading the Torah twelve times and declared, “I am Cyrus!”

Finally, the Persian historian Naser Pourparvar states in his book “Twelve Centuries of Silence” that Jews present the Achaemenid Persians as creators of culture and civilization or anything they desire, due to the service they provided by liberating them from Nebuchadnezzar’s captivity. He mentions that 90% of Iranian historians are Jews; they depicted Cyrus as a divine savior, even though he lived and died as an ardent polytheist!

On the first anniversary of the death of Sheikh Nawaf Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, may God have mercy on him, the people of Kuwait stand united in loyalty to a leader who etched his name in golden letters in the nation’s memory. His achievements and national and humanitarian stances will remain a testament to the wisdom of a leader, the acumen of a politician, and the compassion of a father who held Kuwait in his heart until his last moments.

A Wise Journey

Sheikh Nawaf Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah was born on June 25, 1937, in Kuwait City, in the neighborhood of Al-Shuyukh. He received his education in Kuwait schools, where the authentic values of leadership were instilled in him. His Highness advanced through various leadership positions, serving Kuwait from several influential and pivotal roles.

He began his career as the Governor of Hawalli, where he made a radical transformation in the region, turning it from a small village into a vibrant city full of commercial and developmental life. He then held the position of Minister of Interior, where he was known as the "spiritual father of Kuwaiti security." He restructured the ministry, introduced modern technology into the security system, and created new departments, most notably the elections department, and launched developed plans to enhance internal security and protect the borders.

In 1988, he took on the role of Minister of Defense, where he was a wise leader in developing the Kuwaiti army and was keen on signing advanced armament contracts, as well as sending Kuwaiti officers and soldiers to study and train in the world's leading military academies. After the liberation of Kuwait, he took charge of the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor, dedicating his efforts to caring for the vulnerable groups in society, including widows, orphans, and the elderly, and became a champion for children and women in Kuwait.

In 1994, he became the Deputy Prime Minister of the National Guard, where he laid the foundations for the comprehensive development of the National Guard and worked on enhancing its human and technical capabilities to be a supporting force to the Kuwaiti armed forces.

In 2006, he was proclaimed Crown Prince by the National Assembly, becoming the right hand to the late Emir Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad, and participated in making critical decisions that contributed to enhancing the security of Kuwait, developing its economy, and consolidating its regional and international diplomatic role.

 Leadership of Wisdom and Compassion

After the passing of the late Emir Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad, may God have mercy on him, on September 29, 2020, Sheikh Nawaf Al-Ahmad took the throne amidst smooth procedures that embodied institutional stability in Kuwait, reflecting the spirit of popular and political cohesion around the country's leadership.

He took the constitutional oath before the National Assembly on September 30, 2020, becoming the sixteenth ruler of the State of Kuwait, affirming in his speech the necessity of preserving national unity, continuing the path of construction and development, and upholding the values of law and the constitution.

A Year of Acclaimed Achievements

The first year of Sheikh Nawaf Al-Ahmad's rule was not an ordinary year but was marked by historic decisions that impacted the political, economic, and social landscape.

Gulf Reconciliation: A Dream Come True

Sheikh Nawaf, may God have mercy on him, was a worthy successor to his brother Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad in continuing efforts for Gulf reconciliation. The 41st Gulf Summit in Al-Ula, Saudi Arabia witnessed the signing of the Gulf reconciliation agreement in January 2021, ending the crisis of the blockade imposed on Qatar and restoring unity and cohesion among the Gulf states.

In statements after the agreement, His Highness confirmed that "what unites us is greater than what divides us, and the interests of our people are above all considerations," reflecting the wisdom of Kuwaiti leadership that has always stood at the forefront of resolving regional and international disputes.

 Political Reform and National Dialogue

On September 29, 2021, His Highness delivered a call for a national dialogue that brought together the legislative and executive authorities, aimed at creating a conducive environment and uniting efforts to enhance cooperation between the two authorities and resolve outstanding issues, ensuring political stability and achieving national interest.

This initiative came at a critical time when tensions between the executive and legislative authorities were at their peak. However, the wisdom of the late prince led to a calming of the situation, and the national dialogue resulted in a political breakthrough, with the issuance of a royal amnesty decree that included several Kuwaitis convicted in political cases.

Supporting the Kuwaiti Economy: Direction Towards Reform

The late Sheikh Nawaf focused on stimulating economic sectors and enhancing the investment environment in Kuwait, emphasizing the role of the private sector in supporting the national economy. He directed the government to achieve economic diversification, support industry and agriculture, and open new horizons for local and foreign investment. This contributed to the restructuring of productive sectors and enhanced job opportunities for Kuwaiti youth.

Supporting Youth: The Core Pillar of the Future

He viewed youth as the future of Kuwait and its true wealth, and thus he was keen to support them by opening avenues for education and training, preparing them to be leaders of the future across various sectors. In his repeated meetings with Kuwaiti youth, he urged them to strive and innovate, praising their sports and scientific achievements, as well as their initiatives in facing national challenges, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic when youth were at the forefront of volunteering and participating in health campaigns.

 Humanitarian Role: Continuing the Path of Giving

He was a model of humanitarian leadership, continuing the humanitarian approach of Kuwait following the steps of the late Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad, may God rest his soul. During his tenure, Kuwait provided humanitarian assistance to countries affected by conflicts and natural disasters, such as Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon. This included medical, food, and relief aid, as well as directing health support to countries affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, including Tunisia, Greece, and Turkey, where Kuwait sent ventilators and urgent medical assistance.

Messages of Love and Loyalty: Farewell to the Father Emir

On the first anniversary of Sheikh Nawaf Al-Ahmad's passing, feelings of sadness renew in the hearts of Kuwaitis who loved their Emir and who he loved in return. He was a prince of hearts before being a prince of the state. The late emir left behind a lasting legacy of wisdom, compassion, and humanity, and enjoyed a journey of giving that lasted for over 60 years in service to Kuwait and its people.

 The Departure of the Leader: The Legacy Remains

On December 16, 2023, sorrow enveloped Kuwait with the passing of Emir Sheikh Nawaf Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah. Kuwait announced a formal period of mourning, and prayers rose from every Kuwaiti home, asking for mercy and forgiveness for their beloved deceased. The achievements of the late prince continue to stand witness to his wise leadership and his national journey, which experienced pivotal moments in the history of Kuwait, from security to the economy, from politics to humanitarian work, and from Gulf reconciliation to supporting the issues of the Arab and Islamic nations, especially the Palestinian cause.

Today, calls are renewed for God to make his grave a garden from the gardens of Paradise, and to reward him for every good deed he left behind, and for his memory to remain a beacon for every leader who believes in truth and justice and works for the sake of his homeland and his nation.

The homeland will not forget you, O Abu Faisal; you will remain present in our hearts and minds.

O God, have mercy on him, and make his abode Paradise, and protect Kuwait and its people from all harm.

 

 

The prisons of the Syrian regime, known as "human slaughterhouses," were not just places of detention but sites of psychological and physical extermination, where the most horrific forms of torture and humiliation were inflicted on innocent men, women, and children. Within the dark walls, human dignity is crushed, and the lives of detainees turn into a daily nightmare, all amidst a disturbing global silence that does not befit the scale of the tragedy.

The suffering of detainees in Syrian regime prisons cannot be expressed in words; these prisons were unlike any others, akin to slaughterhouses where people are slowly killed. There, the most heinous methods of psychological and physical torture were practiced, starting from severe beatings and sleep deprivation to hanging from limbs, electric shocks, and physical assaults.

Dr. Ali Al-Sand noted in his comment on the microblogging site "X" that the regime's dark prisons practice brutality underground, comparing them to the large prison in Gaza, where extermination occurs above ground, affirming that tyranny and occupation are two sides of the same coin, each one feeding off the other.

One of the heart-wrenching scenes is the emergence of female detainees from Assad's prisons, bearing the marks of torture on their bodies and souls, some of them accompanied by their children, as they all suffered together from hunger, fear, and humiliation. The images of women exiting from detention, with signs of shock filling their faces, encapsulate the entire story.

Former MP Dr. Jumaan Al-Harbesh commented on this scene on his "X" account, stating: "The release of chaste Muslim women from the prisons of the tyrant of Sham, along with their children, is a horrific and moving scene. May God curse those who terrorize Muslim women, and may God illuminate the faces of the grandchildren of Khalid ibn al-Walid, the conquering Mujahideen."

These words encapsulate the tragedy in a single image, for women in these prisons endure what men cannot bear, from the humiliation of dignity to the targeting of honor; this makes the crime doubly impactful in its psychological and social effects.

The role of Kuwaiti activists and scholars in denouncing what is happening on "X" has been evident. Sheikh Muhammad Al-Awadi said: "The fall of tyrants and their corrupt, criminal regimes is one of the most joyous news for the souls... the souls of the oppressed who have been crushed by the tyrannical regime that has violated their sanctities and destroyed their lives." These words came to affirm that the downfall of tyrants has been the dream of every oppressed person, especially those who have experienced imprisonment in the jails of the oppressive tyrant, according to Al-Awadi.

Furthermore, preacher Dr. Youssef Al-Sanad linked the return of Syrian refugees and displaced individuals to their homes from which they have been uprooted after a long absence and harsh conditions, to the eventual return of Palestinians to their land one day, to rebuild it with their own hands and to sow hope anew. Nothing remains the same, and just as the Prophet Joseph (peace be upon him) was reunited with his parents after painful separation, the meeting is inevitable, no matter how long the wait. Allah says: "And when they entered upon Joseph, he took his parents to himself and said, 'Enter Egypt, if Allah wills, safe and secure.'" (Joseph: 99).

Meanwhile, preacher Adel Al-Azmi stated: "In a scene that encapsulates oppression and injustice: images are pouring in from Sednaya prison and other secret prisons run by the Assad regime, revealing horrors that are beyond description, and atrocities that expose the false narrative propagated by some politicians and lenient sheikhs who repeat: 'The Syrians were in a better situation before the revolution!' However, these bitter scenes undeniably prove that the revolution was not an arbitrary choice; it was a pressing necessity imposed by the cruelty and brutality of tyranny. The demand for freedom and dignity was not a luxury, but a cry for survival raised by a people who suffered oppression behind closed prison doors, where a person becomes a number without a name and is taken to the dungeons of torture for no other sin than demanding their right to life."

 

 

In a powerful faith-driven and historic scene, the University of Damascus witnessed its first public congregational prayer on its campus after decades of oppression and restrictions imposed by the Ba'ath Party regime and the Assad family.

This exceptional event, documented by activists through moving video clips, represents a pivotal moment in Syria's history, as hundreds of students gathered in the university square to call the Adhan and perform the Dhuhr prayer, reflecting the triumph of popular will and the reclaiming of religious identity after many years of injustice.

Prayer was Considered a Crime

Activists pointed out that conducting prayer in Syrian universities was considered a serious crime under a repressive regime that prohibited religious expressions in educational institutions. They noted that prayers were held secretly inside student residences, under strict security surveillance.

Syrian journalist Ahmad Mufaq Zidan reminisced upon seeing this scene, saying: “When I saw the magnificent scene of the medical students' prayer at the University of Damascus, I remembered the late Imam of its mosque, the late Issam Al-Attar, may God have mercy on him, and I recalled the first prayer we held at Al-Mutanabbi Secondary School in Aleppo in 1979, after we managed to take a classroom, cleaned it, called the Adhan, and then prayed.”

Islamic preacher Dr. Muhammad Al-Awdeh commented, stating: “The scene of the Dhuhr prayer at the University of Damascus after decades reflects how much the Syrian people have suffered on all levels from the tyranny of an infidel, immoral, oppressive, and racist ‘mafia-like’ regime with multiple loyalties.”

Al-Awdeh added: “Prayer at universities was considered a crime, and it was done secretly in student residences under heavy surveillance.”

Dr. Muhammad Al-Sagheer, Head of the Global Supporters of the Prophet Muhammad Organization, affirmed that this moment is evidence that Islamic peoples are eager to return to their religion and natural disposition.

Meanwhile, Saudi writer Abdulaziz Al-Falih pointed to the Ba'ath regime's attempts to erase the religious identity of the Syrians, saying: “The Ba'ath Party (the Nusayri branch) has attempted for half a century to distort the beliefs of Syrians and to distance them from their religion… but never!”

For his part, Syrian journalist Ahmad Al-Asi described this moment, saying: “For the first time in Syria's history, hundreds prayed Dhuhr in the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Damascus, and the only thing present was tears of joy and gratitude for having a homeland and tears of thanks to God for our deliverance from this criminal tyrant and the Assad era.”

On December 8, the regime of Bashar al-Assad collapsed after the Syrian opposition took control of the capital, Damascus, and other cities, marking the end of a reign that lasted 61 years under the Ba'ath Party and 53 years under the Assad family.

 

 

In a serious escalation, Jenin refugee camp in the northern occupied West Bank witnessed bloody clashes on Saturday, December 14, between members of the "Jenin Battalion" of the "Al-Quds Brigades," the military wing of the Islamic Jihad Movement, and the Palestinian Authority (PA) security forces. These clashes resulted in the martyrdom of the battalion leader Yazid Ja'aisa, one of the most wanted leaders by the occupation forces for over four years, and the martyrdom of 15-year-old child Muhammad Amer, along with the injury of about 40 other Palestinians, according to local sources.

Current Situation

Simultaneously, PA security forces continue extensive raids on the camp, with the PA confirming that these operations aim to restore order and maintain civil peace, which has sparked widespread condemnation and rejection on various levels.

Statements and Reactions

Abdulrahman Shadeed, a leader of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) in the West Bank, stated that 13 Palestinians have been martyred at the hands of PA security forces since the beginning of the Zionist aggression on October 7, 2023. In statements to Al Jazeera, Shadeed called on the PA to promote national unity instead of eliminating field leaders in the West Bank. He affirmed that the PA's actions clearly target the rising resistance, noting that these policies open the door to internal strife amid the massacres committed by the occupation in Gaza. Shadeed demanded the PA halt this approach, which threatens the stability of the Palestinian people.

Beginning of Escalation in Jenin Camp

The events in the camp began early on Saturday morning when a large force of PA security services stormed the camp from three main axes. Local sources reported the deployment of snipers positioned on the rooftops of some buildings, and the clashes between Palestinian resistance and security forces continued throughout the day.

The escalation had started days earlier after PA forces arrested several prominent leaders in the camp, such as Ibrahim Tubasi and Imad Abu Al-Hija, which triggered widespread anger among the "Jenin Battalion" that held PA vehicles hostage, demanding their release.

Factions Condemn

Following the escalation, several Palestinian factions issued statements sharply criticizing the PA's security campaign in the West Bank, calling for pressure on the PA to withdraw its forces from the camps and stop targeting resistance fighters.

Hamas, for its part, affirmed that the continued pursuit of resistance fighters by PA security forces in Jenin aligns with the occupation's aggression. In a press statement, Hamas mourned the martyr leader Ja'aisa, who was martyred by PA security forces in Jenin, days after the execution of the boy Rabhi Shalabi. The movement called for a decisive stance against this behavior, which threatens the stability of the Palestinian people, demanding an end to the attacks and the release of political detainees.

Islamic Jihad's Response

The Islamic Jihad Movement strongly condemned what it described as "serious transgressions" committed by PA security forces against resistance fighters in the West Bank, considering that their practices of killing, arresting, and pursuing constitute a breach of religious, national, and familial taboos. The movement accused the PA of seeking to drag the West Bank into a state of sedition and internal strife. In a press statement, the movement affirmed that the continuation of this condemned and suspicious plan would remain a stain of disgrace chasing all those involved, supporters, or silent in the face of these violations.

Ongoing Siege

The statement added that Jenin city and its camp have witnessed violent clashes between Palestinian resistance forces and PA security services for six consecutive days. These events erupted following the arrest of several members of the "Jenin Battalion" by PA security forces and the confiscation of funds belonging to the families of martyrs. The movement explained that PA forces continue their tight siege on Jenin camp for the sixth day, deploying large military reinforcements, including armored vehicles in the camp's streets and snipers on rooftops, reminiscent of the tactics used by the Israeli occupation army in its raids on Palestinian camps.

Response to Occupation Pressures and Elimination of Resistance

Writer and lawyer Mustafa Ibrahim described the PA's stance towards the events in Jenin, which resulted in the martyrdom of a young man followed by a child, as unacceptable, asserting that the approach to the crisis with the resistance follows the same method the PA has used for years. Ibrahim questioned in a Facebook post whether the PA fears a war in the West Bank similar to that in Gaza or if the security maintenance it claims is merely a response to Israeli pressures.

Ibrahim emphasized that Israeli occupation policies are proceeding with the devastation of the West Bank and the displacement of its residents without encountering effective Palestinian resistance.

Criticism from Writers and Analysts

Writer Lama Khater sharply criticized the PA's practices in Jenin, considering them an attempt to eliminate the remaining pockets of resistance. Khater stated on her "X" account: "The disgraceful actions of the PA in Jenin, termed 'Homeland Protection,' are among the most despicable names that can be given to a campaign to eliminate the remaining pockets of resistance and to relieve the occupier from the burden of confronting them, helping it focus on crushing Gaza."

Khater added: "This is how scoundrels manipulate minds and persist in deceiving the public, and all of this is a charge against those who expect any good from them."

Political analyst Yasser Al-Zaatreh wrote on his "X" account: "This is how they embrace the enemy in fighting the resistance, under the slogan 'Protecting the national project'! And 'Fatah' behind them applauds and justifies!"

 

 

  • Utilitarian Intellectuals may differ on many issues, but they agree on one thing: their hatred for Islam and their efforts to combat it!
  • The Utilitarian Intellectual is driven by personal interests and easily deviates from their religious, moral, and humanitarian duties.
  • In All Cases: The utilitarian intellectual is radical, deceitful, fraudulent, a liar, and a hypocrite.
  • The Missionary Intellectual boldly speaks the truth against falsehood, never betrays their nation, and does not deceive it.

The manufacture of the utilitarian intellectual is linked to Westernization, and previously to the greedy and aggressive invaders who occupy Muslim lands, control their resources, plunder their wealth, and benefit from their strategic locations.

Utilitarian intellectual

The "utilitarian intellectual" stands in contrast to the "organic intellectual," as termed by the Italian communist writer Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), the founder of the idea of "cultural hegemony as a means of maintaining power in a capitalist society." The concept of the "organic intellectual" in his view refers to a person who can skillfully recognize, with a distinctive cultural awareness, the needs and aspirations of the class to which they belong. Here, Gramsci signifies the extent to which this intellectual possesses a creative awareness through which they can express the ideology of the group of which they are an active and conscious part; they are the intellectual who is faithful to their people and to their aspirations and desires for freedom, independence, and hope.

Organic Intellectual

The "organic intellectual" in Gramsci’s view is paralleled by the "missionary intellectual" in the Islamic perspective; this type not only proclaims the truth in the face of falsehood but also does not betray their nation, mislead it, or deceive it, nor do they accommodate the tyrants who hold power—any kind of power—and they do not sell themselves under any circumstances, or in exchange for a handful of coins, no matter the form or nature of those coins. They are loyal to God and His Messenger (peace be upon him), regardless of the heavy price they may have to pay.

Opportunistic Intellectual

On the other hand, the "utilitarian intellectual" is driven by personal interests and responds to the deviation from their religious, moral, and human duties. In all circumstances, they are exterminative, misleading, deceitful, lying, and hypocritical. They envision the world only through this negative perspective. This type of intellectual exists in journalism, media, education, advocacy, universities, thought, literature, research centers, and similar fields, searching for what will bring them fame, wealth, power, and proximity to centers of influence and prestige.

Who's Paying the Piper

The forces of greed, tyranny, and aggression recognized early on the importance of the utilitarian intellectual in achieving their goals directly or indirectly, even if they did not always disclose it. Many years ago, F. S. Saunders, who worked in the American Central Intelligence Agency, published a book titled "Cultural Cold War: Who's Paying the Piper?" (Its translation was published by the National Center for Translation, 4th edition, Cairo, 2009), in which she documented the role of the intelligence agency in recruiting a number of intellectuals, writers, poets, and artists in the West and the Arab world, and financing literary magazines and cultural activities that promoted its ideas during the Cold War between the two giants: the Soviets and the Americans. Their battlefield included newspapers, magazines, radio broadcasts, conferences, art exhibitions, artistic festivals, grants, awards, etc., where a structured network was formed of individuals functioning in parallel with the CIA to implant a new idea that the world needs a new enlightenment era, which would all be termed the "American Century."

Congress for Cultural Freedom

This network was led by the "Congress for Cultural Freedom" (consider the significance of the name), which acted as an unofficial ministry of American culture, or to be the "piper" for which the CIA paid for the tunes it requested. The Arab region witnessed magazines and intellectuals working under the banner of this organization, many magazines, the most famous of which are "Hiwar" and "Shi’r," along with numerous intellectuals, most of whom were leftists, sectarians, and opponents of Islam.

Did it ever occur to Muslims that the Romans could have a role in the making of Musaylimah the Liar? 

Musaylimah the Liar... A Sleeper Cell 

In 2006, a translation of the book "Intelligence Rules the World," authored by former CIA intelligence officer Angelo Code Nila and later a university professor, was released. The book discusses an interesting topic within what he calls sleeper or dormant elements recruited by intelligence agencies in a given country or region. At a moment determined by the agency, these elements are asked to mobilize and carry out tasks involving sabotage or creating chaos. Each operates in their own domain, and they may succeed or fail. 

The author presented "Musaylimah the Liar" as an example of sleeper elements; he was recruited by the intelligence of the Roman Empire in the heart of the Arabian Peninsula to weaken Muslims and disrupt the unity of the Arabian Peninsula under the banner of Islam established by the Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him. Had it not been for Abu Bakr, may Allah be pleased with him, combating him, Musaylimah would have succeeded in altering the course of Islam and Muslims! The author refers to Roman documents and sources that he relied on in his treatment of the topic, which may seem amusing to us, but he confirms that it is common among researchers in the field of Western intelligence.

Did it occur to Muslims, both ancient and modern, that the Romans might have had a role in creating Musaylimah the Liar, who is known in Islamic history as the false prophet? 

Creating Utilitarian Intellectuals

In modern times, the West has not hesitated to create utilitarian intellectuals, just as it creates utilitarian officials in countries coveted for conquest, plunder, or control of their resources. I would like to quote some of what engineer Mahmoud Saqr wrote in his article (the "Community" website, July 1, 2020) on the subject. The famous French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre wrote in the introduction of the book "The Wretched of the Earth" by French revolutionary Frantz Fanon about the creation of parrot-like intellectuals loyal to them: "We would bring some of the children from the colonies, teach them our language and customs, arrange European marriages for some, and then send them back to their countries; through them, we would hear the echo of our own voices. These intellectuals we have created have nothing but what we put into their mouths."

The Solitary’s Retreat

Novelist Ibrahim Aslan continues the scene painted by Sartre, saying spontaneously in his book "The Solitary’s Retreat" that he was invited to France in 1994 along with a group of Egyptian intellectuals. He recounts: "We sat in front of a table crowded with colorful light dishes and dark wine bottles, surrounded by a group of beautiful girls... A man next to me filled my cup whenever it was empty and introduced himself as a Jew... I whispered in my neighbor's ear that this man is Jewish, and he replied: So what? All the people here are Jews." 

The nature of the Western and Zionist creation of our Arab intellectuals is evident, as is the type of intellectuals they select from the left, who are, in essence, a Jewish creation through the parties established by the Jew Henri Curiel in the 1940s, to whom and to the Zionist entity they owe an undisguised allegiance! 

These utilitarian intellectuals may differ in many things, but they agree on one thing in their view of religions: a hatred of Islam and a direct or indirect war against it. This is reflected in their cultural behavior through the organizations they work in or the means of expression they dominate, and their eradication of any voice or pen that sympathizes with the pure religion. Furthermore, their defense of Judaism and Christianity represents the peak of their revolutionary and enlightening struggle, while the distortion and humiliation that Islam faces, for them, signifies freedom of opinion and the right to express.

Another aspect that presents a facet of the manufacturing of the usable intellectual is their honoring with the highest awards in the West, with France leading the way in this field due to its eagerness to dominate the Arab mind and subjugate it, transforming their loyalty to French culture, which is exploitative and antagonistic toward Islam and Muslims.

The dozens of intellectuals who have received these awards do not sympathize with Islam, its values, its methodology, or its legislative principles. In fact, many of them do not hesitate to attack the pure religion, questioning its suitability for all times and places, and promote poisonous Western and Zionist ideas against it.

Celebration of Colonialism

The process of manufacturing the usable intellectual has led to the downfall of many Western intellectuals, as well as a significant number of our prominent Arab intellectuals, and many of the lesser ones, into fatal errors concerning their humanity, let alone the noble Islamic faith, when they glorified colonialism and praised it, presenting it as a harbinger of dignity, freedom, democracy, progress, and enlightenment in our backward countries.

Victor Hugo

Take, for example, Victor Hugo, who expressed sympathy for the downtrodden in his novels and writings; he supported the French occupation of Algeria and turned a blind eye to the massacres and crimes committed by the invading French in a peaceful country that had not gone to fight the French in their homeland. Writers and prominent intellectuals such as Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels followed in his footsteps, praising the colonial presence of France in Muslim Algeria.

Taha Hussein’s ‘The Future of Culture in Egypt’

On the Arab Islamic side, take, for example, Taha Hussein, who dedicated the doctoral thesis he presented to the Sorbonne in 1918 to the French authorities resisting the "barbarians" in their quest to spread their civilization (referring to the Algerians, not the "barbarians"—the Berber origin of some Algerians—but to savages in the culturally biased sense towards the West and its culture). This dedication was not arbitrary; it was, as some writers pointed out, a compliment to his French wife, Suzanne Breceau, and to the discussion committee and his supervisors. Even though he later retracted this dedication upon realizing his grievous mistake.

It would not be enough to stop there; it went further to praise the West and its culture in his famous book "The Future of Culture in Egypt," which the usable intellectuals in Egypt repeatedly print to spite Islam and Muslims. Taha was deceived by the illusion of Western modernity and enlightenment, and he rushed to call for accepting Western civilization with all its goodness and evil, its sweetness and bitterness, what is loved and what is hated, and what is praised and what is criticized, after launching a fierce attack on the East and its civilization. To be fair, in his later life, he wished to revise his book, perhaps to mitigate his excesses in his hatred for the East and love for the West!

Qaddour Ben Ghabrit

There is another Algerian writer named Qaddour Ben Ghabrit, who was mentioned by Ahmad Hassan al-Zayat in "The Inspiration of the Message." He noted that he attended the inauguration of the Paris Mosque in 1926, and his ears became tainted by what he heard from Ben Ghabrit's sycophancy and flattery towards France. When they were gathered in a meeting, he asked him, "How can the Arabs rejoice on the Day of Freedom while they are slaves? And take pride in the glory of France while they are humbled?" He was not allowed to finish his words, as he was interrupted heatedly with the response: "No, sir, the French are no more French than us; we enjoy true fraternity and universal prosperity under the Republic, and Algerian soldiers in the army and police, and Moroccan and Tunisian workers in factories and farms are treated like pure Frenchmen. May God sustain the blessings of France upon the Arab peoples and may He benefit the nations of Islam with its sciences and civilization!"

 Paris Mosque

"Ben Ghabrit has turned the Paris Mosque into a fiefdom for himself, as described by Malek Bennabi; where the Paris Mosque has become a platform for endorsing and legitimizing occupation, forgetting that colonialism, which has lasted for a century, has spared no effort in fighting the Arabic language, the Islamic religion, and national identity (read a more detailed explanation in the article: Ibrahim Meshara, When Intellectuals Glorify Colonialism: The Fall of Taha Hussein and the Contradiction of Marx, Al-Quds Al-Arabi, November 29, 2020).

The utilitarian intellectual does not care about what he should do; he is only concerned with his interests, ready to sell religion if he is a religious scholar, and not ashamed to beat a drum or shake a tambourine if he is a writer or a literary figure. We have seen some who preach the new image of religion that the West has drawn for the Muslim, who neglects his land and identity, indulges in frivolity and prohibitions, and lives like a beggar in knowledge and production, relying on the shoulders of others. We have also seen writers with modest talents cheering for certain decisions and laws that undermine freedom and entrench despotism, and they do not stop there but compare them to the crossing of fighters during Ramadan!

Supporters of tyrants

Instead of the utilitarian intellectual defending human rights in freedom, dignity, equality, hope, democracy, consultation, expressing his identity, and respecting his privacy, he transforms into a supporter of tyrants and oppressors, denouncing his free colleagues, and focusing on marginal issues that occupy people's attention but do not produce significant benefits for the nation, such as discussing dancers, artists' scandals, football, and individual incidents that should be dealt with by police departments and courts!

Hypocrisy... and Contradiction

The utilitarian intellectual sheds tears and expresses sensitive feelings towards the slaughtering of sacrifice animals during the holiday, but he ignores the slaughter of Muslims in lands of tyranny, fanaticism, and brutality. He is preoccupied with the hymen and condemns people for their concern with chastity, yet he pays no attention to the veil of injustice, oppression, despotism, and corruption that slaughters the nation and turns it into a disgrace among humanity! He sometimes transforms – and how ridiculous – into a police informant when he reports committed or organic writers to security agencies, as if these agencies are unaware of the minutiae of life for those who carry pens or address minds and hearts!

The utilitarian intellectual seems to be alone in the field in most of our Arab countries, widespread in journalism, politics, cinema, drama, thought, and literature, which represents a significant impediment to our nation and its hope for revival and progress; the committed intellectual has been marginalized, sidelined, and even uprooted in many places."

 

 

In the midst of complex Arab relations, the relationship between Kuwait and Palestine remains a unique model of brotherhood and mutual support. This relationship is not merely a series of temporal milestones or fleeting agreements, but rather a story of shared struggle and authentic values that have connected the two peoples since the 1920s. This story is narrated by Raja Talab, a writer for the Jordanian newspaper "Al-Rai," in his distinguished book "Kuwait and the Palestinian Dawn."

The book takes us on a historical and humanitarian journey, starting from the beginnings of the relationship between Kuwait and Palestine, passing through pivotal moments that influenced that relationship, and culminating in Kuwait's current positions regarding the Palestinian cause.

 Features and Content of the Book

The title of the book "Kuwait and the Palestinian Dawn" carries profound symbolism. The dawn refers to the hope that appears on the horizon after the darkness of night, and its connection to Kuwait reflects the Kuwaiti role in shedding light on hope for the Palestinian people. The title itself summarizes the main message of the book: that Kuwait has been and continues to be a fundamental supporter of the Palestinian cause.

 Book Content

The book consists of 175 pages published by the Al-Ahlia Publishing House in Jordan and is the result of thorough research and field interviews conducted by the author with Kuwaiti and Palestinian figures who witnessed important stages of the relationship between the two peoples.

The author relied on reliable sources, including testimonies from individuals who experienced the events and historical documents that confirm the nature of the enduring relations between the two countries.

Main Topics Addressed in the Book

-  Historical Relations Between Kuwait and Palestine:

  The author reviews the beginnings of the relationship between Kuwait and Palestine in the 1920s, when the first Palestinian missions arrived in Kuwait in 1922. A group of religious leaders came to collect donations for the restoration of the Al-Aqsa Mosque. In 1936, a Palestinian educational mission was sent to Kuwait, specifically during the Great Palestinian Revolt against British occupation, which strengthened educational and cultural cooperation between the two peoples. The author believes these educational missions laid the foundation for educational relations, as Palestinians participated in the development of the education sector in Kuwait from its early beginnings.

- Palestinian Contribution to Building Kuwait:

  The author dedicated an important part of his book to discussing the active role of Palestinians in vital sectors in Kuwait, particularly in education, health, municipality, police, and the army. Palestinians also excelled in cultural, media, and artistic sectors; prominent examples include Ghassan Kanafani, who worked as a teacher in Kuwait and was inspired by his experiences to write his famous novel "Men in the Sun," and Naji al-Ali, the famous cartoonist who created the character "Handala" while working in Kuwait.

- Kuwait as a Safe Haven for Palestinians:

  The author points out that Palestinians in Kuwait have never felt a sense of alienation; Kuwait became a supplementary homeland for them. They found a nurturing and supportive environment, bringing their heritage, culture, and folklore to Kuwait, and becoming part of the Kuwaiti society. This made the relationship between the two peoples more than just a relationship of residents and hosts; it was a bond of emotional and cultural belonging.

-  Kuwait's Role in Supporting the Palestinian Cause:

  The author emphasizes that Kuwait has been one of the staunchest defenders of the rights of the Palestinian people. Kuwait rejected normalization with "Israel" and enacted laws to boycott its products. The author also highlighted Kuwait's steadfast position in international forums, citing the stance of the Kuwaiti National Assembly Speaker, Marzouq Al-Ghanim, who expelled the "Israeli" delegation from the International Parliamentary Union Hall in Russia. This stance received significant praise from the late Emir of Kuwait, Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, may he rest in peace.

– The cultural and artistic relationship between Kuwait and Palestine:

The author sheds light on the Palestinian cultural production that flourished in Kuwait, where the Palestinian writer and thinker Ghassan Kanafani was one of the prominent figures who left a cultural mark in Kuwait. He points out the role played by Palestinian artists and athletes who grew up in Kuwait and how Kuwait contributed to supporting the Palestinian artistic and cultural movement.

– Kuwait's stance on the Iraqi occupation:

The author dedicates significant space to discussing the repercussions of the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait in 1990, where the relationship between Kuwait and the Palestine Liberation Organization soured due to the pro-Saddam Hussein stance of the Palestinian leadership. However, the author notes that this phase did not ruin the deep-rooted historical relationship between the two peoples. Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas took the initiative to apologize for this position in 2004, and official relations gradually began to return to their natural course.

Lessons learned from the book:

– The Kuwaiti Palestinian relationship is deep-rooted and authentic, built on cultural and humanitarian cooperation, and not merely a superficial political relationship.

– Kuwait's role was not limited to financial and political support but extended to include educational, cultural, and social support.

– The impact of Palestinians in Kuwaiti society and their role in enhancing the educational, health, and media sectors.

– Kuwait's rejection of normalization with the Zionist entity reflects the steadfast Kuwaiti principles regarding the Palestinian cause.

Conclusion of the book:

In the book's conclusion, the author presents a clear summary of the Kuwaiti Palestinian relationship, emphasizing that this relationship was founded on popular solidarity before being political. It is a relationship built on common interests and values, and it was not temporary or opportunistic. The author sees the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait as a pivotal moment in the relationship, but it did not succeed in undermining the deep connection between the two peoples, as solidarity quickly returned between Kuwait and Palestine after the end of the Iraqi occupation.

The author concludes with a message asserting that the relationship between Kuwait and Palestine will remain a distinctive model of Arab solidarity, unaffected by transient crises; this relationship is not one of regimes or governments, but rather a bond rooted in the Arab conscience. The book "Kuwait and the Palestinian Dawn" is an important historical testimony that deeply documents the Kuwaiti-Palestinian relationship from a historical, humanitarian, and cultural perspective, reflecting a rare model in international relations where the human and popular dimension is manifested alongside the political one.

It is a book recommended for anyone who wishes to understand the roots of Arab solidarity with Palestine, especially at a time when some countries are drifting away from this path. Kuwait, both government and people, has always been and remains at the forefront of defenders of the Palestinian cause, and this book merely confirms that the Palestinian dawn will surely rise thanks to the steadfast and supportive positions from brothers like Kuwait.

 

The Israeli occupation forces continue to commit the crime of genocide in the Gaza Strip for the 437th consecutive day, by launching dozens of airstrikes and artillery bombardments, while committing massacres against civilians amid a catastrophic humanitarian situation due to the blockade and the displacement of more than 95% of the population.

The number of victims of the Israeli aggression on Gaza has risen to 45,028 martyrs and 106,962 injured since October 7, 2023.

The occupation bombed various areas in the strip, targeting the tents of the displaced, resulting in the deaths and injuries of dozens, and intensified its airstrikes on northern Gaza, including the Jabalia camp and Beit Lahia.

Regarding the prisoner exchange deal, the newspaper "Israel Hayom" quoted a source familiar with the negotiations confirming that progress had been made in the talks, indicating that discussions might resume after the Jewish holidays at the end of this month.

In Israel, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu began the third session of his testimony in his trial at the Central Court in Tel Aviv, where he is being tried on corruption charges.

Correspondents reported that Israeli aircraft and artillery continued their airstrikes and heavy bombardments on Sunday across various areas of the Gaza Strip, targeting homes, gatherings of displaced individuals, and streets, resulting in dozens of martyrs and wounded.

The occupation forces continue their ground invasion of wide neighborhoods in Rafah since May 7, along with several fronts in Gaza amid aerial bombardment and artillery fire, committing horrific massacres and demolishing homes of citizens in the Jabalia camp.

For the 73rd consecutive day, northern Gaza is under Israeli siege and starvation amid intense aerial and artillery bombardments, with complete isolation of the northern governorate from Gaza.

The occupation forces continue to forcibly disrupt the operations of civil defense in northern Gaza for the 55th day due to ongoing Israeli targeting and aggression, leaving thousands of citizens there without humanitarian and medical care.

Two citizens were martyred and three others were injured following gunfire from Israeli occupation forces east of Rafah city in southern Gaza.

A young man was injured by Israeli sniper fire in the Shoja'iya area east of Gaza city.

Sheikh Khaled Nabhan, known for his famous phrase "The Spirit of the Soul," was martyred due to artillery shelling on Al-Nuseirat in central Gaza.

Five citizens were martyred and others were injured in an Israeli airstrike targeting a house in the Beit Lahia project in northern Gaza.

An Israeli artillery bombardment targeted the surroundings of Kamal Adwan Hospital in northern Gaza.

The young man Nidal Mohammed Abu Bakra (28 years old) was martyred due to being shot by the Israeli occupation forces in the Al-Mashrou' area east of Rafah city, southern Gaza Strip.

Intense artillery shelling and gunfire from occupation forces targeted the areas east of the towns of Al-Fukhari and Khuza'a, east of Khan Younis.

The Civil Defense Department reported that during the past 24 hours, occupation forces targeted, with air and artillery bombardment, 4 schools housing displaced persons, resulting in the martyrdom of more than 50 displaced individuals in the Gaza Strip.

During the past few hours, the occupation forces committed 4 massacres against Palestinian families and displaced persons in the Gaza Strip, resulting in the martyrdom of nearly 45 civilians, including children, and the injury of more than 50 others.

Meanwhile, Palestinian medical sources reported that there were 69 martyrs and more than 100 injuries due to Israeli airstrikes on several areas in the Gaza Strip since dawn yesterday, Sunday.

Ten civilian citizens were martyred, and several injuries were recorded in an Israeli bombardment that targeted a house belonging to the Al-Qarm family on Al-Beltaji Street in the Shuja'iya neighborhood, east of Gaza City.

Israeli artillery targeted the Jabalia and Beit Lahiya camps in northern Gaza early today, in addition to the Khuza'a town east of Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip, while an Israeli airstrike targeted Rafah city in the southern Gaza Strip.

The Israeli occupation army demolished residential buildings in the vicinity of the Jabalia camp in northern Gaza, while Israeli artillery shelling was combined with heavy gunfire in Tel al-Hawa, southwest of Gaza City.

Four martyrs from one family fell as the occupation planes bombed the home of the "Abu Hajar" family in the "Abu Qadous" residential area in the Al-Nuseirat camp in central Gaza.

Five martyrs, including a child, and body parts, in addition to 16 injuries arrived at Al-Awda Hospital due to the bombardment of an occupation aircraft on a house near Al-Qassam Cemetery in the Al-Nuseirat camp in the center of the Gaza Strip.

On Sunday evening, the occupation forces committed a horrific massacre against Palestinian displaced persons in the "Ahmed Bin Abdul Aziz" school near Nasser Medical Complex in Khan Younis, south of the Gaza Strip, resulting in 20 martyrs and dozens of injuries, including children and women.

The occupation forces also demolished residential buildings in the Abu Qamar area of the Jabalia camp in northern Gaza. Meanwhile, an Israeli drone "Quadcopter" opened fire in the Sabra neighborhood, south of Gaza City.

 

The Nakba is not just a passing event in Palestinian history; it is a moment of birth for the Palestinian diaspora in all its details, with Kuwait being one of the most prominent stations in this diaspora. Shafiq Al-Ghabra, the late academic and Palestinian thinker, presents in his book "The Nakba and the Emergence of the Palestinian Diaspora in Kuwait" an in-depth reading that combines historical, social, and humanitarian analysis, attempting to understand how the Palestinian community in Kuwait formed and the impact of the Nakba on the social and economic identity of Palestinians.

 Sections and Themes of the Book

The book consists of 10 chapters, starting with a theoretical view on the concepts of "uprooting and diaspora" and ending with a futuristic perspective on the re-production of the Palestinian diaspora. Below is a reading of the key themes of the book:

 Chapter One: Uprooting and Diaspora - A Theoretical Introduction

The author opens the door for the reader with important theoretical concepts, highlighting the notion of "statelessness" which reflects the existential situation of Palestinians who transitioned from a state of belonging to their land to living in diaspora. Al-Ghabra discusses how social connections are formed in exile, noting that the Palestinian family, as a social and economic unit, played a significant role in rebuilding the Palestinian social fabric in new societies.

Chapter Two: 1948 – In the Beginning Was the Nakba   

In this chapter, the author documents the events of the Nakba in 1948, which caused the uprooting of Palestinians from their land, focusing on the Deir Yassin massacre as a pivotal event that shook the conscience of Palestinians and deepened their sense of fear. The book examines the journey of forced displacement that left deep psychological scars in the Palestinian memory. This chapter reflects the scale of the tragedy and its impact on the Palestinian collective memory, illustrating how the Nakba drove Palestinians to seek shelter in neighboring Arab countries, including Kuwait.

 Chapter Three: The Displaced Elite  

Al-Ghabra documents in this chapter the arrival of the Palestinian elite in Kuwait, composed of teachers, engineers, doctors, and writers, who brought their expertise with them to Kuwait. This elite was not ordinary; rather, it formed the nucleus for establishing new Palestinian communities. In this context, Al-Ghabra points out the role of the Palestinian elite in developing Kuwait in terms of education, health, and media.

Chapter Four: Family Cohesion – Women and National Identity   

This chapter highlights the role of the Palestinian family in the diaspora. Al-Ghabra explains that Palestinian families in Kuwait did not live in isolation from their homeland; they continued to support their relatives in occupied Palestine and refugee camps through regular financial remittances to aid education and living expenses. He also emphasizes the role of Palestinian women in preserving family identity and supporting family members in facing challenges.

 Chapter Five: The Nakba of Farmers and the Diaspora  

While the Palestinian elite had arrived in Kuwait first, Palestinian farmers followed, but under tougher conditions. Al-Ghabra explains how farmers transitioned from agricultural work to grueling manual labor in Kuwait, such as construction and metalworking. This chapter highlights the class contradiction between the elite and the farmers, but Al-Ghabra points out that this contradiction ultimately became a complementary factor contributing to building a cohesive Palestinian community in Kuwait, where the efforts of the educated elite combined with the steadfast experiences of the farmers.

Chapter Six: Family – A Transnational Entity  

Al-Ghabra notes that the Palestinian family has become a transnational entity, with members of a single-family living in several countries, each individual carrying a different nationality. The author recounts touching stories of Palestinian families dispersed in Kuwait, Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, and Palestine, illustrating how these families succeeded in maintaining their ties across borders. Al-Ghabra discusses this issue from a sociological perspective, indicating that Palestinians developed a new concept of the extended family, which became a means of survival and economic and social support.

Chapter Seven: Family Networks – Social Dynamics and Survival   

In this chapter, Al-Ghunaim focuses on Palestinian family networks and how they contributed to the survival of Palestinians as a cohesive entity. He notes that Palestinians in Kuwait, amidst ongoing displacement, began to form support funds specific to each Palestinian village or town. These funds enabled Palestinians to financially and educationally support one another, thereby enhancing the concept of solidarity social economy, which is an economic model based on cooperation among people from the same country in exile.

Chapter Eight: Economic and Social Coping Strategies   

Al-Ghunaim highlights the economic and social adaptation mechanisms employed by Palestinian families to survive in Kuwait. He points out that with increasing economic pressures, Palestinians in Kuwait developed cooperative financial funds aimed at supporting families from Palestinian villages. These funds were a model of Palestinian creativity in the face of exile economy, allowing Palestinians to establish an independent economic network within Kuwait.

Chapter Nine: The Iraqi Invasion of Kuwait and Missed Opportunities   

In this chapter, Al-Ghunaim discusses the impact of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on Palestinians, as they faced accusations of bias toward Saddam Hussein. He recounts how Palestinians fell victim to misunderstanding, as regional political parties sought to exploit this situation against them. Al-Ghunaim reviews the stance of the Palestinian community in Kuwait, which initially preferred neutrality, but foreign political propaganda cast shadows on their relationship with Kuwaitis after the invasion.

Chapter Ten: Reproducing the Palestinian Diaspora and the Future   

Al-Ghunaim concludes his book with a comprehensive review of Palestinian Kuwaiti relations after the liberation of Kuwait. He indicates that despite tensions, Palestinians and Kuwaitis were able to rebuild trust, with Palestinian and Kuwaiti figures contributing to calming the situation, and humanitarian and social cooperation was resumed. Al-Ghunaim praises the efforts of Kuwaitis and Palestinians in alleviating the crisis, pointing out that the future requires building new bridges between peoples instead of fueling conflicts.

 Analytical Perspective   

The book “The Nakba and the Emergence of the Palestinian Diaspora in Kuwait” serves as an important reference for understanding the Palestinian experience in Kuwait. It provides a comprehensive and integrated vision that combines historical, social, and psychological analysis. In each chapter, the author presents touching human stories, relying on social science methodologies, which gives the reader a deep insight into the challenges faced by Palestinians in Kuwait and how they successfully overcame them. 

The book is not merely a narrative of the history of the Palestinian diaspora, but a forward-looking vision aimed at seeking common ground among Arab peoples and building relationships based on justice and mutual respect. 

Al-Ghunaim emphasizes in his book that the Nakba is not an end, but a beginning of the Palestinian diaspora experience. Amid pain and displacement, Palestinians in Kuwait successfully reshaped their identity, benefiting from family values, adaptability, and the search for new opportunities in foreign environments. The story of Palestinians in Kuwait is not just a story of suffering but a story of success and resilience that highlights the meanings of struggle and dignity.

 

Free Syria Cartoon by Hisham Al Shamali

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