Researcher and political analyst Mohammed Al-Akhras said that "Al-Aqsa Flood" battle redefined the conflict in the region, helped breaking the Zionist security doctrine, and created a wide space for exhausting the Zionist project. History will record that October 7th was the point of collapse from which the end of the occupation began.
He explained that the American role contributed to creating a regional and international environment that prevents the formation of effective pressure to stop the war on Gaza. This, along with a series of other internal and external factors, led to prolonging the war.
In this interview with researcher and political analyst Mohammed Al-Akhras, we address other issues while looking at "Al-Aqsa Flood" operation from a strategic perspective and exploring the resistance’s vision for steadfastness and victory.
How do you view "Al-Aqsa Flood" operation from a strategic perspective, especially as the aggression on Gaza is nearing a full year?
–"Al-Aqsa Flood" operation can be read within two contexts. The first is as a preemptive operation and a necessary response to confront the Zionist liquidation project, which has become increasingly dangerous for the Palestinian cause due to normalization agreements and the advancement of the "religious Zionism" agenda, transforming it into governmental policies and action plans. The occupation felt that the opportunity was ripe to resolve the conflict by relying on a strategy of imposing facts on the ground, including Judaizing Islamic holy sites, expanding settlements, and gradually eroding the resistance's capabilities, while continuously undermining the Palestinian people’s resilience through siege and starvation.
Netanyahu Working to Exploit War to Redefine Internal Balances
The second context is the need to halt the enemy’s rise on both international and regional fronts. The occupation sensed that its increasing regional dominance would serve to end the Palestinian cause. As Netanyahu has stated on several occasions, he believed that Arab normalization would necessarily lead to resolving the Palestinian issue. Therefore, "Al-Aqsa Flood" operation marked a turning point, redefining the occupation’s position in the region and making it vulnerable to exhaustion and conflict, leading to its isolation and the breaking of the deterrence equations that had sustained the entity for decades.
In light of this, "Al-Aqsa Flood" operation contributed to breaking the prestige and status of the military institution within the occupying state, which had always been the melting pot in which diverse and differing identities and ideologies fused. The army was the cornerstone of the Zionist society’s rise and survival. However, the collapse of the "Gaza Division" and the army’s failure to confront the resistance’s attack, coupled with the intelligence agencies’ inability to handle the situation, created deep fissures in the Zionist collective consciousness regarding the strength of the army and its ability to protect them.
This encouraged the Zionist right to clash with the military establishment, signaling the widening scope of internal disputes, potentially leading to changes in the core assumptions on which the entity was founded. This has strategic implications concerning the society’s ability to coexist amidst the emergence of several disputes, including the relationship of the "Haredim" with their society and the extent of their commitment to military service.
Moreover, the resistance's ability to fight and the Palestinian people’s ability to endure despite the intense firepower and the war of extermination once again highlight the colonizer’s inability to defeat peoples under occupation by relying excessively on military force. This is likely to generate repercussions within the occupying state and at the international and regional levels, reinforcing the conviction that Palestinians have the right to reclaim their rights and land. This battle is part of the broader struggle of peoples seeking to liberate their lands and attain their rights.
American role Helped Creating an Environment that Prevented Pressure to Stop War
It is important to emphasize that the war is still ongoing, and its outcomes are still being shaped, given its expanding geographical and temporal scope. The war will create a new geopolitical reality, as indicated by military operations in southern Lebanon, the Red Sea, and the expanding scope of attacks on the occupation state. In addition to its growing international isolation, the rise of boycott movements and the revolution of awareness and consciousness that has erupted globally also highlight these changes.
"Al-Aqsa Flood" battle redefined the conflict in the region, contributed to breaking the Zionist security doctrine, and created a broad space for exhausting the Zionist project. History will record that October 7th was the collapse point from which the occupation's end began.
The war on Gaza has lasted longer than expected. What is the reason for this?
– A number of internal and external factors contributed to prolonging the war, but the most prominent is the American role, which helped create a regional and international environment that prevented the formation of effective pressure to stop the war on Gaza.
The U.S. administration worked to neutralize all regional and international pressure paths, as demonstrated by its obstruction of Security Council resolutions aimed at pressuring the occupation. The Biden administration also provided a favorable regional environment for the continuation of the war by enhancing military deterrence and attempting to manage the regional escalation in a way that avoids harming the occupation state and its internal front. These efforts essentially bought time for Netanyahu to continue his aggression and crimes.
Other factors that prolonged the aggression included the enemy’s persistent attempts to neutralize supporting fronts, particularly within the occupied territories and the West Bank.
Resistance's Ability to Adapt and Remain Flexible Ensures its Victory
Moreover, the political environment within the occupying state is not mature enough to enter into a ceasefire agreement with the resistance, despite all the objective reasons for doing so. This is because Netanyahu, allied with components of the Zionist right, prioritizes his ideological and personal interests above all else. He believes that maintaining the ruling coalition requires avoiding any understanding with the resistance at the current time.
To what extent does the Zionist entity, particularly in terms of its social fabric and political structure, have the capacity to continue the aggression?
– With the withdrawal of Gantz and Eisenkot from Netanyahu’s government and the military and security institutions' approval of the deal with the resistance, it can be said that the war on Gaza has taken a course that surpasses the political equation that existed in the first months of the war. Netanyahu and the Zionist right are working to exploit the war to redefine internal balances within the occupying state, aiming to resume the path of judicial changes they were pursuing before October 7th.
Thus, the war has taken an internal Israeli political turn, driven by an ideological vision to control the institutions within the occupying state in favor of the right. This is despite the fact that over 60% of the Zionist society sees the deal with the resistance as a priority over the continuation of the war. Signs of public anger have already appeared in the Histadrut strike and in the million-strong demonstrations that took place in "Israeli" cities.
Resistance's Strength Derived from its Resilient Society that Refuses to Surrender
It is important to note that the occupation is waging this war as an "existential" battle, and it is capable of rallying society at every security turn. However, the war, in its current form, is becoming a factor that is undermining the cohesion of Zionist society and creating deep divisions within official institutions. Additionally, the continuation of the war risks exposing the "Israeli" internal front to regional threats that may, at a certain point, force them to confront a greater danger than they can bear, especially when combined with the economic and military exhaustion of the occupation both within Gaza and beyond.
What about the readiness of the resistance?
– The resistance understands that it is fighting an asymmetrical war with a significant imbalance in power. However, it knows that its survival through adaptability and flexibility is what guarantees its victory. There is a clear effort to thwart the war on Gaza by preventing the enemy from achieving its political objectives and forcing it to end the war.
The resistance, through its leader Yahya Sinwar, has stated that it is prepared to wage a long war of attrition against the enemy, recognizing the need to break the enemy's political will after having broken its military will.
The occupation itself is aware that the resistance remains capable of confrontation and of thwarting its efforts to create a new political reality within the Gaza Strip. The resistance’s strength is drawn from its resilient society, which refuses to surrender.
How do you foresee the future of the Arab and Islamic conflict with the Zionist entity?
– To answer this question, it is important to consider the reality that has governed the Arab-"Israeli" conflict over the past decades. The conflict was practically reduced after "Camp David" and "Wadi Araba" agreements. The occupation then sought to end it completely through the Abraham Accords and their expansion to include major Arab and Islamic capitals. These efforts were met with what happened on October 7th, which represented a major setback to all these endeavors. Netanyahu sought to eliminate the Palestinian cause and make the Zionist entity the most dominant and influential player in the region.
What is currently happening is that the Arab-"Israeli" conflict has been largely revived, with several Arab fronts now involved in the war, capable of targeting the entity's depth. This signals the collapse of the deterrence equations that maintained the survival of the occupying state for many years and built a great aura around it.
The collapse of these equations means that the possibility of targeting the enemy will remain, and the state of conflict is bound to expand. The occupation views its battle as "existential," and its security and military strategy has become captive to what happened on October 7th. This makes the enemy more anxious and fearful, which means it will be more prone to making mistakes than in the past, leading to further exhaustion and confrontation with both its allies and enemies.
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