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The careful study of the extremist theory of "Hindutva" under which Muslims in India suffer reveals its nefarious intentions and destructive goals. This theory is not a product of today; rather, its roots extend far back to three and a half centuries ago during the reign of Aurangzeb, the Mughal king, who governed India from 1658 to 1707. During this time, Shivaji (1630 – 1680) established a limited government, which advocates of "Hindutva" regard as the first station toward a Hindu government.
Before we clarify the horizontal dimensions of "Hindutva," its intellectual and cultural systems, and its true objectives, it is important to understand the term "Hindutva" and its structural composition. The Hindu writer, Naik Jatir Vedi, states in his book "Hindutva and Violence" (p. 141) that the term "Hindutva" is composed of two words: "Hindu" and "tva." The first word is Persian, while the second is Sanskrit.
Jatir Vedi adds that the one who first coined the term "Hindutva" was Jendra Natha Basu, who published the first book titled "Hindutva" in Bengali in 1892. He was followed by the extremist Hindu leader Savarkar (1883 – 1966), who authored a book under the same name in 1923, which caused a stir and gained acceptance among Hindu extremists. Why did Savarkar succeed where others failed?
Perhaps Savarkar's fundamental achievement lies in the existence of numerous Hindu movements, especially the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh), founded in 1925, which embraced Savarkar's theory of "Hindutva." It focused intensely on reinforcing this theory by militarily, educationally, and intellectually mobilizing Hindu youth. On another front, many Hindu princes and wealthy individuals from different Indian regions, as well as the aristocracy, supported and financed the "Hindutva" theory with significant funds.
We must distinguish between "Hindutva" and ordinary Hinduism to avoid common confusion between the well-established Hinduism practiced in Indian societies for centuries and the opportunistic extremist "Hindutva." It is known that mainstream Hinduism, based on the interpretations of its thinkers, is a religion rich in doctrines, traditions, and constructive values filled with tolerance, openness, and generosity.
Conversely, "Hindutva" is a negative ideology aimed at achieving the interests of the upper classes of Hindus. It is a provocative political theory that emphasizes the superiority and dominance of the ancient Brahminical system, seeking expansive goals and control over all means and positions in the country to be subjugated to the ambitions of opportunistic extremists who harbor no positive, tolerant ideas. There is a considerable resemblance between "Hindutva" and fascism in their inherent intolerance toward others, regardless of the goodness or benefit they might bring to humanity.
In contemporary India, "Hindutva," as clarified by Saadat Allah in his book "Hindutva," refers to the systems and intellectual patterns with ideologies adopted by the RSS and other organizations, institutions, and movements that are closely aligned and resonant with the RSS in terms of ideas, ideologies, activities, and mobilizations.
Thus, the relationships among the trio of Naik Damodar Savarkar (1883 – 1966), Keshav Baliram Hedgewar (1889 – 1940), and Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar (1906 – 1973) form a core focus for embodying the brazen vision of "Hindutva." These figures, along with others of the "Hindutva" theory, drew heavily from the violent fountains of fascism in Italy and Nazism in Germany, and they did not shy away from benefiting from global secret movements such as Freemasonry and Zionism, as seen in Golwalkar's writings, especially in his book "We or Nationhood Defined," and in the memoirs of Bal Krishan Shiu Ram Munje (1872 – 1948), which praise Mussolini and Hitler.
We find three important indicators and reasons for the hostility of the proponents of "Hindutva" towards Muslims:
Elements of "Hindutva":
Undoubtedly, the fundamental pillar of any ideological system is based on its worldview. The idea of "Advaita Vedanta," as expressed in Hindu literature, serves as a central tenet, originating from the Upanishads.
This concept is based on the idea of the superiority of the Hindu people, specifically referring to the chosen people represented by the upper classes of Aryans, who are considered the indigenous citizens of India. The marginalized classes, which make up the overwhelming majority in the country, have no right to aspire to be part of this chosen community.
Nationalism is also one of the most important pillars of the "Hindutva" ideology. Nationalism implies a heightened sentiment that one’s homeland is superior to others in all aspects. There is no doubt that Hindu nationalism or Hindutva has borrowed from the new European nationalism that emerged during the modern era in Europe. Therefore, we observe features of European nationalism and deep influences in framing Hindu nationalism. Furthermore, the theorists of "Hindutva" have constructed Hindu nationalism by blending new Western philosophies with ancient Vedic philosophies. Golwalkar stipulates five conditions for the structure of nationalism: first, the homeland; second, the race; third, the religion; fourth, the culture; fifth, the language. He added that if any one of these conditions is lacking, a complete existence for a nation cannot be conceived. According to the conditions explained by Golwalkar, Muslims and Christians do not fall under the banner of Hindu nationalism.
In the language of Hindutvaites, culture refers to an ancient Hindu culture that is manifested in various forms through festivals, processions, religious traditions, and rituals. Golwalkar also stated that in India, outsiders and foreign elements from different peoples have two specific pathways: first, they must integrate into the national element and adopt its culture; second, they must be subjected to the national element.
All the efforts of Hindutvaites are focused on establishing a Hindu state and dominating it for the sake of benefiting from the country’s resources. They consider Muslims and the democratic system of the country to be a significant obstacle to achieving their ambitions. Therefore, they cannot tolerate the existence of Muslims in the country. The Hindutva fascist forces continue to target them with great ferocity and audacity. Fortunately for these fascist forces, they have held power in the central government for the past ten years, using all resources and means to eradicate their identities, aiming for their complete extermination or at the very least their marginalization. The "Hindutva" policy leaves no stone unturned, trampling over everything that stands in its way, whether it be Muslim, non-Muslim, or any aspect that hinders its path.
In reality, the theory of "Hindutva" is based on all the characteristics and signs of deadly fascism and false propaganda.