The implications of the events led by the Egyptian Free Officers Movement on July 23, 1952, on both the Arab and global levels were not merely confined to the removal of King Farouk from power and the transformation of the country from a monarchy to a republic. Egypt was not the only country at that time ruled by a monarchy, which some might see as tyrannical and corrupt. The importance of these events lay in the fact that they gave hope to many liberation movements in the Arab world and other developing countries in Africa and Asia in the possibility of overthrowing any regime subjected to the dominance of imperialist colonial powers. These powers had divided these countries among themselves as spoils to control their people and plunder their resources.
Within Egypt, these implications had other dimensions besides the apparent changes. Despite the fact that the movements leading to these events were primarily associated with the Egyptian army, they found popular support and backing, which greatly contributed to the movement's swift control of the situation and its ability to achieve security and stability without significant problems. This reflected the extent to which the Egyptian public, as well as the Arab public, was looking forward to such movements, not for their own sake but for the subsequent more important steps as the true goal behind this support. The most important of these steps included reducing class gaps, expanding political participation, confronting the plan to Judaize Jerusalem and occupy Palestine, and taking all possible measures to fuel the sense of Arab and Islamic identity and national belonging, which had been severely shaken by persistent policies of Westernization.
The Growing Sense of Identity
Perhaps the intense and successive confrontations of Egyptians and Arabs during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries with French, British, Italian, Spanish, and other occupations played a significant role in fostering the Islamic and national identity, as well as national belonging, whether in Egypt or the Arab world. This was reflected in the programs and ideas of some political and religious parties and movements that emerged in the early twentieth century. For example, in Egypt, the National Party was led by Mustafa Kamel and later by Muhammad Farid, as were the Young Egypt Party led by Ahmed Hussein and the Muslim Brotherhood founded by Hassan al-Banna, among other organizations at that time.
These sentiments emerged as reactions to the oppressive behaviors of colonialism, becoming a common bond that connected people within each nation, urging them to continue and expressing the unity of their cause.
Certainly, the Egyptian and Arab popular celebrations of the transformations that occurred after July 23, 1952, embodied a sense of triumph for these sentiments, following struggles that spanned decades. The nation felt it could be an effective agent in shaping events according to its own interests rather than those of others. These transformations in Egypt were seen as the beginning of a series of changes aimed at strengthening identity and subsequently achieving independence and liberation from dependency.
Exploitation and Utilization
In truth, the authorities in Egypt and all its supporting Arab regimes at that time did not hesitate to exploit and utilize these sentiments in various forms to solidify their influence. They highlighted stark contrasts between past hardships and a new era, alongside initiatives to decrease class distinctions like agrarian reform laws and projects that boosted production and development, such as nationalizing the Suez Canal, building factories, and constructing the High Dam. These efforts significantly fueled a sense of national dignity.
Furthermore, the authorities and their supporters spared no effort in leveraging their media and propaganda capabilities to promote their massive and unprecedented military capabilities. This occurred concurrently with efforts to strengthen Arab unity, forming a unified front capable of confronting Zionist projects and achieving the complete liberation of Palestine. This propaganda had a mesmerizing effect on broad sectors of public opinion across the Arab world, prompting widespread support, defense, and sometimes justification of the authorities' actions and decisions, whether they aligned with what they announced or diverged from them.
The Shattered Dreams
However, the beautiful dream did not last long. Egyptians, along with all Arab people and Third World countries, woke up on June 5, 1967, to a major calamity: a humiliating defeat lasting six days at the hands of Zionist occupation forces. This defeat not only reaffirmed their control over territories seized in 1948 but also granted them new territories in Palestine, Sinai, and the Syrian Golan Heights.
Just as the events of July 23, 1952, were not merely to depose a king and change the regime, the danger of the June 1967 defeat did not lie solely in military defeat but in its profound and negative impact on national identity and belonging among large segments of the public. It shattered nationalist spirit, shook the feasibility of Arab unity projects, and eroded trust in Arab leaders who championed these initiatives, leading to feelings of despair and disappointment.
Ultimately, these circumstances led some to retreat within narrow nationalist frameworks and reject unity projects, sparking ongoing political and ideological conflicts that continue to drain energies and weaken common Arab identity to this day.
Conscious Identity
On the other hand, there is a positive aspect that can’t be overlooked: the June defeat, despite its bitterness, compelled other popular and elite sectors to reassess the reasons behind it. Deep flaws against the authorities surfaced, including evident and covert power struggles, the suppression of political parties, absolute leadership centered around one figure, unchecked security apparatuses, and alignment with political and economic ideologies, opening the door for secular, materialistic, and atheistic intellectual currents to tamper with universities, cultural institutions, and media. This approach also exhibited considerable hostility towards Islamic perspectives.
Of course, this process of self-examination and critique spurred many to propose a new vision of identity, national belonging, and their relationship with religious values and directives. This resurgence of Islamic roots offered a more robust and realistic foundation, presenting itself as a superior alternative capable of confronting challenges. Islam embodies genuine social justice concepts, principles of shura (consultation), equality, impartial rule of law, equal opportunities, capacity building, mobilization for resilience, resistance against imperialism, and addressing issues of national, ethnic, and Islamic identity in a complementary, non-contradictory manner to achieve a renaissance. This approach found acceptance and enthusiasm among communities, prompting them to embrace and strive for its full realization in the future.
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