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  • Utilitarian Intellectuals may differ on many issues, but they agree on one thing: their hatred for Islam and their efforts to combat it!
  • The Utilitarian Intellectual is driven by personal interests and easily deviates from their religious, moral, and humanitarian duties.
  • In All Cases: The utilitarian intellectual is radical, deceitful, fraudulent, a liar, and a hypocrite.
  • The Missionary Intellectual boldly speaks the truth against falsehood, never betrays their nation, and does not deceive it.

The manufacture of the utilitarian intellectual is linked to Westernization, and previously to the greedy and aggressive invaders who occupy Muslim lands, control their resources, plunder their wealth, and benefit from their strategic locations.

Utilitarian intellectual

The "utilitarian intellectual" stands in contrast to the "organic intellectual," as termed by the Italian communist writer Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), the founder of the idea of "cultural hegemony as a means of maintaining power in a capitalist society." The concept of the "organic intellectual" in his view refers to a person who can skillfully recognize, with a distinctive cultural awareness, the needs and aspirations of the class to which they belong. Here, Gramsci signifies the extent to which this intellectual possesses a creative awareness through which they can express the ideology of the group of which they are an active and conscious part; they are the intellectual who is faithful to their people and to their aspirations and desires for freedom, independence, and hope.

Organic Intellectual

The "organic intellectual" in Gramsci’s view is paralleled by the "missionary intellectual" in the Islamic perspective; this type not only proclaims the truth in the face of falsehood but also does not betray their nation, mislead it, or deceive it, nor do they accommodate the tyrants who hold power—any kind of power—and they do not sell themselves under any circumstances, or in exchange for a handful of coins, no matter the form or nature of those coins. They are loyal to God and His Messenger (peace be upon him), regardless of the heavy price they may have to pay.

Opportunistic Intellectual

On the other hand, the "utilitarian intellectual" is driven by personal interests and responds to the deviation from their religious, moral, and human duties. In all circumstances, they are exterminative, misleading, deceitful, lying, and hypocritical. They envision the world only through this negative perspective. This type of intellectual exists in journalism, media, education, advocacy, universities, thought, literature, research centers, and similar fields, searching for what will bring them fame, wealth, power, and proximity to centers of influence and prestige.

Who's Paying the Piper

The forces of greed, tyranny, and aggression recognized early on the importance of the utilitarian intellectual in achieving their goals directly or indirectly, even if they did not always disclose it. Many years ago, F. S. Saunders, who worked in the American Central Intelligence Agency, published a book titled "Cultural Cold War: Who's Paying the Piper?" (Its translation was published by the National Center for Translation, 4th edition, Cairo, 2009), in which she documented the role of the intelligence agency in recruiting a number of intellectuals, writers, poets, and artists in the West and the Arab world, and financing literary magazines and cultural activities that promoted its ideas during the Cold War between the two giants: the Soviets and the Americans. Their battlefield included newspapers, magazines, radio broadcasts, conferences, art exhibitions, artistic festivals, grants, awards, etc., where a structured network was formed of individuals functioning in parallel with the CIA to implant a new idea that the world needs a new enlightenment era, which would all be termed the "American Century."

Congress for Cultural Freedom

This network was led by the "Congress for Cultural Freedom" (consider the significance of the name), which acted as an unofficial ministry of American culture, or to be the "piper" for which the CIA paid for the tunes it requested. The Arab region witnessed magazines and intellectuals working under the banner of this organization, many magazines, the most famous of which are "Hiwar" and "Shi’r," along with numerous intellectuals, most of whom were leftists, sectarians, and opponents of Islam.

Did it ever occur to Muslims that the Romans could have a role in the making of Musaylimah the Liar? 

Musaylimah the Liar... A Sleeper Cell 

In 2006, a translation of the book "Intelligence Rules the World," authored by former CIA intelligence officer Angelo Code Nila and later a university professor, was released. The book discusses an interesting topic within what he calls sleeper or dormant elements recruited by intelligence agencies in a given country or region. At a moment determined by the agency, these elements are asked to mobilize and carry out tasks involving sabotage or creating chaos. Each operates in their own domain, and they may succeed or fail. 

The author presented "Musaylimah the Liar" as an example of sleeper elements; he was recruited by the intelligence of the Roman Empire in the heart of the Arabian Peninsula to weaken Muslims and disrupt the unity of the Arabian Peninsula under the banner of Islam established by the Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him. Had it not been for Abu Bakr, may Allah be pleased with him, combating him, Musaylimah would have succeeded in altering the course of Islam and Muslims! The author refers to Roman documents and sources that he relied on in his treatment of the topic, which may seem amusing to us, but he confirms that it is common among researchers in the field of Western intelligence.

Did it occur to Muslims, both ancient and modern, that the Romans might have had a role in creating Musaylimah the Liar, who is known in Islamic history as the false prophet? 

Creating Utilitarian Intellectuals

In modern times, the West has not hesitated to create utilitarian intellectuals, just as it creates utilitarian officials in countries coveted for conquest, plunder, or control of their resources. I would like to quote some of what engineer Mahmoud Saqr wrote in his article (the "Community" website, July 1, 2020) on the subject. The famous French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre wrote in the introduction of the book "The Wretched of the Earth" by French revolutionary Frantz Fanon about the creation of parrot-like intellectuals loyal to them: "We would bring some of the children from the colonies, teach them our language and customs, arrange European marriages for some, and then send them back to their countries; through them, we would hear the echo of our own voices. These intellectuals we have created have nothing but what we put into their mouths."

The Solitary’s Retreat

Novelist Ibrahim Aslan continues the scene painted by Sartre, saying spontaneously in his book "The Solitary’s Retreat" that he was invited to France in 1994 along with a group of Egyptian intellectuals. He recounts: "We sat in front of a table crowded with colorful light dishes and dark wine bottles, surrounded by a group of beautiful girls... A man next to me filled my cup whenever it was empty and introduced himself as a Jew... I whispered in my neighbor's ear that this man is Jewish, and he replied: So what? All the people here are Jews." 

The nature of the Western and Zionist creation of our Arab intellectuals is evident, as is the type of intellectuals they select from the left, who are, in essence, a Jewish creation through the parties established by the Jew Henri Curiel in the 1940s, to whom and to the Zionist entity they owe an undisguised allegiance! 

These utilitarian intellectuals may differ in many things, but they agree on one thing in their view of religions: a hatred of Islam and a direct or indirect war against it. This is reflected in their cultural behavior through the organizations they work in or the means of expression they dominate, and their eradication of any voice or pen that sympathizes with the pure religion. Furthermore, their defense of Judaism and Christianity represents the peak of their revolutionary and enlightening struggle, while the distortion and humiliation that Islam faces, for them, signifies freedom of opinion and the right to express.

Another aspect that presents a facet of the manufacturing of the usable intellectual is their honoring with the highest awards in the West, with France leading the way in this field due to its eagerness to dominate the Arab mind and subjugate it, transforming their loyalty to French culture, which is exploitative and antagonistic toward Islam and Muslims.

The dozens of intellectuals who have received these awards do not sympathize with Islam, its values, its methodology, or its legislative principles. In fact, many of them do not hesitate to attack the pure religion, questioning its suitability for all times and places, and promote poisonous Western and Zionist ideas against it.

Celebration of Colonialism

The process of manufacturing the usable intellectual has led to the downfall of many Western intellectuals, as well as a significant number of our prominent Arab intellectuals, and many of the lesser ones, into fatal errors concerning their humanity, let alone the noble Islamic faith, when they glorified colonialism and praised it, presenting it as a harbinger of dignity, freedom, democracy, progress, and enlightenment in our backward countries.

Victor Hugo

Take, for example, Victor Hugo, who expressed sympathy for the downtrodden in his novels and writings; he supported the French occupation of Algeria and turned a blind eye to the massacres and crimes committed by the invading French in a peaceful country that had not gone to fight the French in their homeland. Writers and prominent intellectuals such as Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels followed in his footsteps, praising the colonial presence of France in Muslim Algeria.

Taha Hussein’s ‘The Future of Culture in Egypt’

On the Arab Islamic side, take, for example, Taha Hussein, who dedicated the doctoral thesis he presented to the Sorbonne in 1918 to the French authorities resisting the "barbarians" in their quest to spread their civilization (referring to the Algerians, not the "barbarians"—the Berber origin of some Algerians—but to savages in the culturally biased sense towards the West and its culture). This dedication was not arbitrary; it was, as some writers pointed out, a compliment to his French wife, Suzanne Breceau, and to the discussion committee and his supervisors. Even though he later retracted this dedication upon realizing his grievous mistake.

It would not be enough to stop there; it went further to praise the West and its culture in his famous book "The Future of Culture in Egypt," which the usable intellectuals in Egypt repeatedly print to spite Islam and Muslims. Taha was deceived by the illusion of Western modernity and enlightenment, and he rushed to call for accepting Western civilization with all its goodness and evil, its sweetness and bitterness, what is loved and what is hated, and what is praised and what is criticized, after launching a fierce attack on the East and its civilization. To be fair, in his later life, he wished to revise his book, perhaps to mitigate his excesses in his hatred for the East and love for the West!

Qaddour Ben Ghabrit

There is another Algerian writer named Qaddour Ben Ghabrit, who was mentioned by Ahmad Hassan al-Zayat in "The Inspiration of the Message." He noted that he attended the inauguration of the Paris Mosque in 1926, and his ears became tainted by what he heard from Ben Ghabrit's sycophancy and flattery towards France. When they were gathered in a meeting, he asked him, "How can the Arabs rejoice on the Day of Freedom while they are slaves? And take pride in the glory of France while they are humbled?" He was not allowed to finish his words, as he was interrupted heatedly with the response: "No, sir, the French are no more French than us; we enjoy true fraternity and universal prosperity under the Republic, and Algerian soldiers in the army and police, and Moroccan and Tunisian workers in factories and farms are treated like pure Frenchmen. May God sustain the blessings of France upon the Arab peoples and may He benefit the nations of Islam with its sciences and civilization!"

 Paris Mosque

"Ben Ghabrit has turned the Paris Mosque into a fiefdom for himself, as described by Malek Bennabi; where the Paris Mosque has become a platform for endorsing and legitimizing occupation, forgetting that colonialism, which has lasted for a century, has spared no effort in fighting the Arabic language, the Islamic religion, and national identity (read a more detailed explanation in the article: Ibrahim Meshara, When Intellectuals Glorify Colonialism: The Fall of Taha Hussein and the Contradiction of Marx, Al-Quds Al-Arabi, November 29, 2020).

The utilitarian intellectual does not care about what he should do; he is only concerned with his interests, ready to sell religion if he is a religious scholar, and not ashamed to beat a drum or shake a tambourine if he is a writer or a literary figure. We have seen some who preach the new image of religion that the West has drawn for the Muslim, who neglects his land and identity, indulges in frivolity and prohibitions, and lives like a beggar in knowledge and production, relying on the shoulders of others. We have also seen writers with modest talents cheering for certain decisions and laws that undermine freedom and entrench despotism, and they do not stop there but compare them to the crossing of fighters during Ramadan!

Supporters of tyrants

Instead of the utilitarian intellectual defending human rights in freedom, dignity, equality, hope, democracy, consultation, expressing his identity, and respecting his privacy, he transforms into a supporter of tyrants and oppressors, denouncing his free colleagues, and focusing on marginal issues that occupy people's attention but do not produce significant benefits for the nation, such as discussing dancers, artists' scandals, football, and individual incidents that should be dealt with by police departments and courts!

Hypocrisy... and Contradiction

The utilitarian intellectual sheds tears and expresses sensitive feelings towards the slaughtering of sacrifice animals during the holiday, but he ignores the slaughter of Muslims in lands of tyranny, fanaticism, and brutality. He is preoccupied with the hymen and condemns people for their concern with chastity, yet he pays no attention to the veil of injustice, oppression, despotism, and corruption that slaughters the nation and turns it into a disgrace among humanity! He sometimes transforms – and how ridiculous – into a police informant when he reports committed or organic writers to security agencies, as if these agencies are unaware of the minutiae of life for those who carry pens or address minds and hearts!

The utilitarian intellectual seems to be alone in the field in most of our Arab countries, widespread in journalism, politics, cinema, drama, thought, and literature, which represents a significant impediment to our nation and its hope for revival and progress; the committed intellectual has been marginalized, sidelined, and even uprooted in many places."

 

 

In the midst of complex Arab relations, the relationship between Kuwait and Palestine remains a unique model of brotherhood and mutual support. This relationship is not merely a series of temporal milestones or fleeting agreements, but rather a story of shared struggle and authentic values that have connected the two peoples since the 1920s. This story is narrated by Raja Talab, a writer for the Jordanian newspaper "Al-Rai," in his distinguished book "Kuwait and the Palestinian Dawn."

The book takes us on a historical and humanitarian journey, starting from the beginnings of the relationship between Kuwait and Palestine, passing through pivotal moments that influenced that relationship, and culminating in Kuwait's current positions regarding the Palestinian cause.

 Features and Content of the Book

The title of the book "Kuwait and the Palestinian Dawn" carries profound symbolism. The dawn refers to the hope that appears on the horizon after the darkness of night, and its connection to Kuwait reflects the Kuwaiti role in shedding light on hope for the Palestinian people. The title itself summarizes the main message of the book: that Kuwait has been and continues to be a fundamental supporter of the Palestinian cause.

 Book Content

The book consists of 175 pages published by the Al-Ahlia Publishing House in Jordan and is the result of thorough research and field interviews conducted by the author with Kuwaiti and Palestinian figures who witnessed important stages of the relationship between the two peoples.

The author relied on reliable sources, including testimonies from individuals who experienced the events and historical documents that confirm the nature of the enduring relations between the two countries.

Main Topics Addressed in the Book

-  Historical Relations Between Kuwait and Palestine:

  The author reviews the beginnings of the relationship between Kuwait and Palestine in the 1920s, when the first Palestinian missions arrived in Kuwait in 1922. A group of religious leaders came to collect donations for the restoration of the Al-Aqsa Mosque. In 1936, a Palestinian educational mission was sent to Kuwait, specifically during the Great Palestinian Revolt against British occupation, which strengthened educational and cultural cooperation between the two peoples. The author believes these educational missions laid the foundation for educational relations, as Palestinians participated in the development of the education sector in Kuwait from its early beginnings.

- Palestinian Contribution to Building Kuwait:

  The author dedicated an important part of his book to discussing the active role of Palestinians in vital sectors in Kuwait, particularly in education, health, municipality, police, and the army. Palestinians also excelled in cultural, media, and artistic sectors; prominent examples include Ghassan Kanafani, who worked as a teacher in Kuwait and was inspired by his experiences to write his famous novel "Men in the Sun," and Naji al-Ali, the famous cartoonist who created the character "Handala" while working in Kuwait.

- Kuwait as a Safe Haven for Palestinians:

  The author points out that Palestinians in Kuwait have never felt a sense of alienation; Kuwait became a supplementary homeland for them. They found a nurturing and supportive environment, bringing their heritage, culture, and folklore to Kuwait, and becoming part of the Kuwaiti society. This made the relationship between the two peoples more than just a relationship of residents and hosts; it was a bond of emotional and cultural belonging.

-  Kuwait's Role in Supporting the Palestinian Cause:

  The author emphasizes that Kuwait has been one of the staunchest defenders of the rights of the Palestinian people. Kuwait rejected normalization with "Israel" and enacted laws to boycott its products. The author also highlighted Kuwait's steadfast position in international forums, citing the stance of the Kuwaiti National Assembly Speaker, Marzouq Al-Ghanim, who expelled the "Israeli" delegation from the International Parliamentary Union Hall in Russia. This stance received significant praise from the late Emir of Kuwait, Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, may he rest in peace.

– The cultural and artistic relationship between Kuwait and Palestine:

The author sheds light on the Palestinian cultural production that flourished in Kuwait, where the Palestinian writer and thinker Ghassan Kanafani was one of the prominent figures who left a cultural mark in Kuwait. He points out the role played by Palestinian artists and athletes who grew up in Kuwait and how Kuwait contributed to supporting the Palestinian artistic and cultural movement.

– Kuwait's stance on the Iraqi occupation:

The author dedicates significant space to discussing the repercussions of the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait in 1990, where the relationship between Kuwait and the Palestine Liberation Organization soured due to the pro-Saddam Hussein stance of the Palestinian leadership. However, the author notes that this phase did not ruin the deep-rooted historical relationship between the two peoples. Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas took the initiative to apologize for this position in 2004, and official relations gradually began to return to their natural course.

Lessons learned from the book:

– The Kuwaiti Palestinian relationship is deep-rooted and authentic, built on cultural and humanitarian cooperation, and not merely a superficial political relationship.

– Kuwait's role was not limited to financial and political support but extended to include educational, cultural, and social support.

– The impact of Palestinians in Kuwaiti society and their role in enhancing the educational, health, and media sectors.

– Kuwait's rejection of normalization with the Zionist entity reflects the steadfast Kuwaiti principles regarding the Palestinian cause.

Conclusion of the book:

In the book's conclusion, the author presents a clear summary of the Kuwaiti Palestinian relationship, emphasizing that this relationship was founded on popular solidarity before being political. It is a relationship built on common interests and values, and it was not temporary or opportunistic. The author sees the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait as a pivotal moment in the relationship, but it did not succeed in undermining the deep connection between the two peoples, as solidarity quickly returned between Kuwait and Palestine after the end of the Iraqi occupation.

The author concludes with a message asserting that the relationship between Kuwait and Palestine will remain a distinctive model of Arab solidarity, unaffected by transient crises; this relationship is not one of regimes or governments, but rather a bond rooted in the Arab conscience. The book "Kuwait and the Palestinian Dawn" is an important historical testimony that deeply documents the Kuwaiti-Palestinian relationship from a historical, humanitarian, and cultural perspective, reflecting a rare model in international relations where the human and popular dimension is manifested alongside the political one.

It is a book recommended for anyone who wishes to understand the roots of Arab solidarity with Palestine, especially at a time when some countries are drifting away from this path. Kuwait, both government and people, has always been and remains at the forefront of defenders of the Palestinian cause, and this book merely confirms that the Palestinian dawn will surely rise thanks to the steadfast and supportive positions from brothers like Kuwait.

 

The Israeli occupation forces continue to commit the crime of genocide in the Gaza Strip for the 437th consecutive day, by launching dozens of airstrikes and artillery bombardments, while committing massacres against civilians amid a catastrophic humanitarian situation due to the blockade and the displacement of more than 95% of the population.

The number of victims of the Israeli aggression on Gaza has risen to 45,028 martyrs and 106,962 injured since October 7, 2023.

The occupation bombed various areas in the strip, targeting the tents of the displaced, resulting in the deaths and injuries of dozens, and intensified its airstrikes on northern Gaza, including the Jabalia camp and Beit Lahia.

Regarding the prisoner exchange deal, the newspaper "Israel Hayom" quoted a source familiar with the negotiations confirming that progress had been made in the talks, indicating that discussions might resume after the Jewish holidays at the end of this month.

In Israel, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu began the third session of his testimony in his trial at the Central Court in Tel Aviv, where he is being tried on corruption charges.

Correspondents reported that Israeli aircraft and artillery continued their airstrikes and heavy bombardments on Sunday across various areas of the Gaza Strip, targeting homes, gatherings of displaced individuals, and streets, resulting in dozens of martyrs and wounded.

The occupation forces continue their ground invasion of wide neighborhoods in Rafah since May 7, along with several fronts in Gaza amid aerial bombardment and artillery fire, committing horrific massacres and demolishing homes of citizens in the Jabalia camp.

For the 73rd consecutive day, northern Gaza is under Israeli siege and starvation amid intense aerial and artillery bombardments, with complete isolation of the northern governorate from Gaza.

The occupation forces continue to forcibly disrupt the operations of civil defense in northern Gaza for the 55th day due to ongoing Israeli targeting and aggression, leaving thousands of citizens there without humanitarian and medical care.

Two citizens were martyred and three others were injured following gunfire from Israeli occupation forces east of Rafah city in southern Gaza.

A young man was injured by Israeli sniper fire in the Shoja'iya area east of Gaza city.

Sheikh Khaled Nabhan, known for his famous phrase "The Spirit of the Soul," was martyred due to artillery shelling on Al-Nuseirat in central Gaza.

Five citizens were martyred and others were injured in an Israeli airstrike targeting a house in the Beit Lahia project in northern Gaza.

An Israeli artillery bombardment targeted the surroundings of Kamal Adwan Hospital in northern Gaza.

The young man Nidal Mohammed Abu Bakra (28 years old) was martyred due to being shot by the Israeli occupation forces in the Al-Mashrou' area east of Rafah city, southern Gaza Strip.

Intense artillery shelling and gunfire from occupation forces targeted the areas east of the towns of Al-Fukhari and Khuza'a, east of Khan Younis.

The Civil Defense Department reported that during the past 24 hours, occupation forces targeted, with air and artillery bombardment, 4 schools housing displaced persons, resulting in the martyrdom of more than 50 displaced individuals in the Gaza Strip.

During the past few hours, the occupation forces committed 4 massacres against Palestinian families and displaced persons in the Gaza Strip, resulting in the martyrdom of nearly 45 civilians, including children, and the injury of more than 50 others.

Meanwhile, Palestinian medical sources reported that there were 69 martyrs and more than 100 injuries due to Israeli airstrikes on several areas in the Gaza Strip since dawn yesterday, Sunday.

Ten civilian citizens were martyred, and several injuries were recorded in an Israeli bombardment that targeted a house belonging to the Al-Qarm family on Al-Beltaji Street in the Shuja'iya neighborhood, east of Gaza City.

Israeli artillery targeted the Jabalia and Beit Lahiya camps in northern Gaza early today, in addition to the Khuza'a town east of Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip, while an Israeli airstrike targeted Rafah city in the southern Gaza Strip.

The Israeli occupation army demolished residential buildings in the vicinity of the Jabalia camp in northern Gaza, while Israeli artillery shelling was combined with heavy gunfire in Tel al-Hawa, southwest of Gaza City.

Four martyrs from one family fell as the occupation planes bombed the home of the "Abu Hajar" family in the "Abu Qadous" residential area in the Al-Nuseirat camp in central Gaza.

Five martyrs, including a child, and body parts, in addition to 16 injuries arrived at Al-Awda Hospital due to the bombardment of an occupation aircraft on a house near Al-Qassam Cemetery in the Al-Nuseirat camp in the center of the Gaza Strip.

On Sunday evening, the occupation forces committed a horrific massacre against Palestinian displaced persons in the "Ahmed Bin Abdul Aziz" school near Nasser Medical Complex in Khan Younis, south of the Gaza Strip, resulting in 20 martyrs and dozens of injuries, including children and women.

The occupation forces also demolished residential buildings in the Abu Qamar area of the Jabalia camp in northern Gaza. Meanwhile, an Israeli drone "Quadcopter" opened fire in the Sabra neighborhood, south of Gaza City.

 

The Nakba is not just a passing event in Palestinian history; it is a moment of birth for the Palestinian diaspora in all its details, with Kuwait being one of the most prominent stations in this diaspora. Shafiq Al-Ghabra, the late academic and Palestinian thinker, presents in his book "The Nakba and the Emergence of the Palestinian Diaspora in Kuwait" an in-depth reading that combines historical, social, and humanitarian analysis, attempting to understand how the Palestinian community in Kuwait formed and the impact of the Nakba on the social and economic identity of Palestinians.

 Sections and Themes of the Book

The book consists of 10 chapters, starting with a theoretical view on the concepts of "uprooting and diaspora" and ending with a futuristic perspective on the re-production of the Palestinian diaspora. Below is a reading of the key themes of the book:

 Chapter One: Uprooting and Diaspora - A Theoretical Introduction

The author opens the door for the reader with important theoretical concepts, highlighting the notion of "statelessness" which reflects the existential situation of Palestinians who transitioned from a state of belonging to their land to living in diaspora. Al-Ghabra discusses how social connections are formed in exile, noting that the Palestinian family, as a social and economic unit, played a significant role in rebuilding the Palestinian social fabric in new societies.

Chapter Two: 1948 – In the Beginning Was the Nakba   

In this chapter, the author documents the events of the Nakba in 1948, which caused the uprooting of Palestinians from their land, focusing on the Deir Yassin massacre as a pivotal event that shook the conscience of Palestinians and deepened their sense of fear. The book examines the journey of forced displacement that left deep psychological scars in the Palestinian memory. This chapter reflects the scale of the tragedy and its impact on the Palestinian collective memory, illustrating how the Nakba drove Palestinians to seek shelter in neighboring Arab countries, including Kuwait.

 Chapter Three: The Displaced Elite  

Al-Ghabra documents in this chapter the arrival of the Palestinian elite in Kuwait, composed of teachers, engineers, doctors, and writers, who brought their expertise with them to Kuwait. This elite was not ordinary; rather, it formed the nucleus for establishing new Palestinian communities. In this context, Al-Ghabra points out the role of the Palestinian elite in developing Kuwait in terms of education, health, and media.

Chapter Four: Family Cohesion – Women and National Identity   

This chapter highlights the role of the Palestinian family in the diaspora. Al-Ghabra explains that Palestinian families in Kuwait did not live in isolation from their homeland; they continued to support their relatives in occupied Palestine and refugee camps through regular financial remittances to aid education and living expenses. He also emphasizes the role of Palestinian women in preserving family identity and supporting family members in facing challenges.

 Chapter Five: The Nakba of Farmers and the Diaspora  

While the Palestinian elite had arrived in Kuwait first, Palestinian farmers followed, but under tougher conditions. Al-Ghabra explains how farmers transitioned from agricultural work to grueling manual labor in Kuwait, such as construction and metalworking. This chapter highlights the class contradiction between the elite and the farmers, but Al-Ghabra points out that this contradiction ultimately became a complementary factor contributing to building a cohesive Palestinian community in Kuwait, where the efforts of the educated elite combined with the steadfast experiences of the farmers.

Chapter Six: Family – A Transnational Entity  

Al-Ghabra notes that the Palestinian family has become a transnational entity, with members of a single-family living in several countries, each individual carrying a different nationality. The author recounts touching stories of Palestinian families dispersed in Kuwait, Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, and Palestine, illustrating how these families succeeded in maintaining their ties across borders. Al-Ghabra discusses this issue from a sociological perspective, indicating that Palestinians developed a new concept of the extended family, which became a means of survival and economic and social support.

Chapter Seven: Family Networks – Social Dynamics and Survival   

In this chapter, Al-Ghunaim focuses on Palestinian family networks and how they contributed to the survival of Palestinians as a cohesive entity. He notes that Palestinians in Kuwait, amidst ongoing displacement, began to form support funds specific to each Palestinian village or town. These funds enabled Palestinians to financially and educationally support one another, thereby enhancing the concept of solidarity social economy, which is an economic model based on cooperation among people from the same country in exile.

Chapter Eight: Economic and Social Coping Strategies   

Al-Ghunaim highlights the economic and social adaptation mechanisms employed by Palestinian families to survive in Kuwait. He points out that with increasing economic pressures, Palestinians in Kuwait developed cooperative financial funds aimed at supporting families from Palestinian villages. These funds were a model of Palestinian creativity in the face of exile economy, allowing Palestinians to establish an independent economic network within Kuwait.

Chapter Nine: The Iraqi Invasion of Kuwait and Missed Opportunities   

In this chapter, Al-Ghunaim discusses the impact of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on Palestinians, as they faced accusations of bias toward Saddam Hussein. He recounts how Palestinians fell victim to misunderstanding, as regional political parties sought to exploit this situation against them. Al-Ghunaim reviews the stance of the Palestinian community in Kuwait, which initially preferred neutrality, but foreign political propaganda cast shadows on their relationship with Kuwaitis after the invasion.

Chapter Ten: Reproducing the Palestinian Diaspora and the Future   

Al-Ghunaim concludes his book with a comprehensive review of Palestinian Kuwaiti relations after the liberation of Kuwait. He indicates that despite tensions, Palestinians and Kuwaitis were able to rebuild trust, with Palestinian and Kuwaiti figures contributing to calming the situation, and humanitarian and social cooperation was resumed. Al-Ghunaim praises the efforts of Kuwaitis and Palestinians in alleviating the crisis, pointing out that the future requires building new bridges between peoples instead of fueling conflicts.

 Analytical Perspective   

The book “The Nakba and the Emergence of the Palestinian Diaspora in Kuwait” serves as an important reference for understanding the Palestinian experience in Kuwait. It provides a comprehensive and integrated vision that combines historical, social, and psychological analysis. In each chapter, the author presents touching human stories, relying on social science methodologies, which gives the reader a deep insight into the challenges faced by Palestinians in Kuwait and how they successfully overcame them. 

The book is not merely a narrative of the history of the Palestinian diaspora, but a forward-looking vision aimed at seeking common ground among Arab peoples and building relationships based on justice and mutual respect. 

Al-Ghunaim emphasizes in his book that the Nakba is not an end, but a beginning of the Palestinian diaspora experience. Amid pain and displacement, Palestinians in Kuwait successfully reshaped their identity, benefiting from family values, adaptability, and the search for new opportunities in foreign environments. The story of Palestinians in Kuwait is not just a story of suffering but a story of success and resilience that highlights the meanings of struggle and dignity.

 

Free Syria Cartoon by Hisham Al Shamali

In a dangerous escalation, the Jenin camp in the northern occupied West Bank witnessed bloody clashes on Saturday, December 14, between the members of the "Jenin Brigade," which is affiliated with the "Al-Quds Brigades," the military wing of the Islamic Jihad movement, and the security forces belonging to the Palestinian Authority.

These clashes resulted in the martyrdom of Brigade leader Yazeed Jaa'isa, one of the most wanted leaders by the occupation forces for over four years, in addition to the martyrdom of the child Muhammad Amer (15 years old), and about 40 other Palestinians were injured, according to local sources.

At the same time, Palestinian security forces continue to carry out extensive raid operations in the camp, with confirmations from the Palestinian Authority that these operations aim to restore order and maintain civil peace; a move that has sparked waves of condemnation and rejection at various levels.

Abdul Rahman Shadid, a leader in the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) in the West Bank, stated that 13 Palestinians have been martyred at the hands of Palestinian security forces since the onset of the Zionist aggression on October 7, 2023.

In statements to Al Jazeera, Shadid called on the Palestinian Authority to strengthen national unity instead of targeting field leaders in the West Bank, emphasizing that what the Authority is doing is a clear targeting of the escalating resistance, pointing out that these policies open the door to internal strife amid the massacres committed by the occupation in Gaza.

Shadid demanded the Authority to stop this trend that threatens the stability of the Palestinian people.

 Beginning of the Escalation in Jenin Camp

The events in the camp began in the early hours of Saturday, when a large force from the Palestinian Authority's security apparatus stormed the camp from three main axes. Local sources revealed the presence of snipers stationed on the roofs of some buildings while clashes between the Palestinian resistance and the security forces continued throughout the day.

The escalation began a few days earlier, following the arrest of several prominent leaders in the camp by the Authority’s forces, such as Ibrahim Tubasi and Imad Abu Heija, which sparked widespread outrage within the "Jenin Brigade," which seized Palestinian Authority vehicles as hostages to demand their release.

 Factions Condemn the Action

In the wake of the escalation, several Palestinian factions issued statements criticizing the security campaign by the Authority’s forces in the West Bank, calling for pressure on the Authority to withdraw its forces from the camps and to stop targeting the resistance fighters.

Hamas, for its part, confirmed that the continued pursuit of resistance fighters in Jenin by the Authority's security apparatus aligns with the occupation's aggression.

In a press release, the movement mourned the martyr leader Jaa'isa who was shot by the Authority's forces in Jenin, just days after the execution of the boy Rabhi al-Shalabi.

The movement called for a decisive stance against this behavior that threatens the stability of the Palestinian people, demanding an end to the assaults and the release of political detainees.

On their part, the Islamic Jihad Movement strongly condemned what it described as "serious violations" committed by the security apparatus of the Palestinian Authority against resistance fighters in the West Bank, considering that its practices of killing, arresting, and pursuing constitute a violation of religious, national, and familial taboos. The movement accused the Authority of seeking to drag the West Bank into a state of sedition and internal conflict.

In a press statement, the movement confirmed that the continuation of this condemned and suspicious scheme would remain a stain of shame that haunts all who engage in it, as well as anyone who stands by or remains silent regarding these violations.

It added that the city of Jenin and its camp have been witnessing violent clashes between Palestinian resistance forces and the Authority's security apparatus for six days, indicating that these events erupted following the security forces' arrest of several members of the "Jenin Brigade" fighters, in addition to confiscating funds belonging to the families of martyrs.

The movement clarified that the Authority's forces have continued their tight siege on the Jenin camp for the sixth day, having deployed significant military reinforcements, including armored vehicles in the streets of the camp and snipers positioned on the rooftops, in a scene reminiscent of the tactics employed by the "Israeli" occupation army during its incursions into Palestinian camps.

In reaction to the occupation's pressures and to suppress resistance, author and rights advocate Mustafa Ibrahim condemned the Palestinian Authority's position on the occurrences in Jenin—leading to the martyrdom of a young man and then a child—as intolerable, claiming that the Authority’s method of addressing the crisis with the resistance remains consistent with its long-standing approach.

Ibrahim questioned, in a post on Facebook: "Is the Authority afraid of a war in the West Bank akin to that which occurred in Gaza? Or is the security it claims to maintain merely a response to "Israeli" pressures?"

He emphasized that the "Israeli" occupation policies proceed to uproot the West Bank and displace its residents, without being met with effective Palestinian resistance.

For her part, writer Lama Khater harshly criticized the Authority's practices in Jenin, considering it an attempt to eliminate what remains of resistance strongholds.

Khater stated, via her account on X (formerly Twitter): "The shameful actions practiced by the Authority in Jenin are labeled 'protecting the homeland,' which is one of the most despicable terms that can be used to describe a campaign. The campaign aimed at cleansing what remains of resistance strongholds and easing the occupier's burden of facing them, helping them focus on crushing Gaza."

She added: "This is how the cowards manipulate minds and continue to take the public for fools, and all of this is evidence against those who hope for goodness from them."

 

Political analyst Yasser Zou'aiter wrote on his account on the X platform: "This is how they embrace the enemy in fighting resistance, under the slogan of 'protecting the national project'! And Fatah, behind them, applauds and justifies!"

 

The "model" plays a pivotal role in defining "the example and the role model," which serves as the compass guiding human orientation in various fields of life. In the family, there is "the model of the father," in the nation there is "the model of the hero," in history "models of victories," in international and regional relations "the model of the homeland," and in beliefs and ideologies "the model of religion," along with many other models that captivate the human being towards a particular direction and path at crossroads, amidst multiple options.

At the moment a "model" is chosen, there occurs an expression and declaration of the belonging of the "self," distinguishing it from the "other," which has been dismissed as a model in this particular field of choice.

The cultural field is not merely one of these areas where a person selects one model over another; rather, the "cultural model" becomes, after being chosen, associated with and loyal to, the criterion that determines and favors the "models" that a person selects in many fields. The culture that has shaped a person's identity is the guiding force for their choices of role models, methodologies, ideals, and landmarks that lead them to support one cause and oppose another, to be active for this purpose while turning away from others, and to sacrifice for this path without paying attention to anything else. The "cultural model" is what defines the "future model" that a person aims to create and realize in the social reality they live in.

The Self and the Other... Culturally

If God, Exalted be He, created all people from one soul, His wisdom necessitated that to prevent people from monopolizing the earth through colonial ways, competing to obtain benefits, and striving for both material and moral goods, He willed that humanity be distributed into a multiplicity of nations, tribes, peoples, tongues, colors, methodologies, and laws, and consequently into nationalities and cultures.

If "the self" is defined by the stable characteristics that distinguish it from "the other," not by the commonalities that unite it with this "other," and since the reality of our Arab Islamic nation, both recent and contemporary, is a reality of cultural and civilizational interaction and clash specifically with the Western model, without any "other" besides it, then the discussion about "the self" and "the other," culturally, must lead to determining the distinctive features of the Islamic cultural model compared to the Western model, without implying the denial of areas of common humanality in many fields of sciences and knowledge, the facts and laws of which, and the fruits of their knowledge and experiences, do not constitute "the distinguishing feature of the cultural self," but rather fit into "the common ground" in which "cultural selves" of all humanity interact and share.

 Islam as the Constituent of Our Cultural Identity

Islam is the constituent of our cultural identity and defines the features of our cultural model. Our distinction from the "Western other" exists only where there is difference and divergence, which positions the relationship between our cultural model - the cultural self - and the other as a relationship of "distinction and interaction." This relationship finds a balanced middle ground between two extremes: the extreme of excess that views this relationship as one of "rupture and opposition," and the extreme of neglect, which sees it as one of "similarity and imitation." Just as a human's "fingerprint" distinguishes them from their peers while sharing the human race, so does the cultural self of a nation distinguish itself from other cultural selves by the unique characteristics and distinguishing features that set one cultural model apart from another, without denying or overlooking the areas of human commonality in many truths and laws of numerous experiences, sciences, and arts.

Everyone takes what applies to them. The Muslims opened up to Indian civilization, but they only adopted astronomy and mathematics from the Indians, without embracing their philosophies and cultures. Similarly, they engaged with the Persians by taking their administrative arrangements while rejecting their philosophical doctrines and religious beliefs. From the Byzantine Romans, they adopted the recording of administrative offices but did not take their legal system. The same goes for their engagement with Greek heritage; Muslims adopted neutral applied experimental sciences while neglecting to study Greek theology, and they also overlooked Greek literature due to its pagan myths and the spirit of paganism embodied in that heritage.

The same law can be seen in the context of the European Renaissance's engagement with our Islamic heritage. They adopted the experimental sciences developed by Muslims and inherited the creative methodologies of our ancestors in experimental observation and induction, which helped Muslims break free from Aristotelian measurement. However, the Europeans did not adopt our Islamic cultural model; instead, they revived the Greek model while drawing from our heritage the natural sciences and the experimental method, emerging as a developed extension of the Greeks and Romans, without imitating our Islamic cultural model.

The model of Ibn Rushd

The European Renaissance's interaction with our philosopher Abu Walid Ibn Rushd (the grandson) (520-595 AH/ 1126-1198 AD) exemplifies the application of this law that governs the healthy and natural relationship between the distinct cultural models of different nations. They took "Ibn Rushd: the commentator on Aristotle" —as this was their own— while rejecting and even issuing decrees prohibiting "Ibn Rushd: the reconciler of human wisdom and Islamic law," and "the theologian who established religious doctrine on rational beliefs," as well as "the jurist who adjudicated between people according to Islamic law and its jurisprudence." This Islamic cultural model, or "Islamic rationalism," was different from the "Latin rationalism," which replaced theology with secularism and deified reason, when the phrase "there is no authority over reason except reason" became the slogan of the Enlightenment philosophy!

Furthermore, the beginnings of our modern renaissance, especially the experience of Egypt in the first half of the 19th century under the rule of Muhammad Ali Pasha (1184-1265 AH/ 1770-1849 AD), manifested the application of this law in the relationship between cultural self and its model and the other culture and its model. Rifa'ah Rafi' al-Tahtawi (1216-1290 AH/ 1801-1873 AD) advocated for learning from Europe in "practical philosophical sciences and civil human knowledge that contributes to national progress, because although they may seem foreign now, they are Islamic sciences that foreigners translated into their languages from Arabic books. Their books remain in the treasures of Islamic kings as resources.” Rifa'ah al-Tahtawi called for active engagement with the knowledge and truths of these sciences while reviving the Islamic cultural model, "by spreading the noble sunna and raising the banners of the glorious sharia." Moreover, al-Tahtawi emphasized the distinction of the Islamic cultural model from the European model when he said that they (the Europeans) have in "philosophy fallacious ideas that contradict all divine books, and they belong to sects that judge goodness and badness solely by reason and natural laws... Whereas we Muslims do not rely on what reason affirms or denies unless the law supports its affirmation or denial; thus, the improvement of natural laws is only considered valid if sanctioned by the law."

"When the relationship is healthy, based on free choice and equality between civilizations, the cultural model assumes the role of the standard that defines the scope of 'interaction and inspiration,' and the limits of 'distinction and uniqueness.' Thus, a healthy and natural relationship exists between the 'self' and the 'other' in the cultural field.

Due to this clarity, in the distinction of the Islamic cultural model from the European model, as highlighted by Al-Tahṭāwī, and in the experience of Egypt during the era of Muhammad Ali, we see that Al-Tahṭāwī, after his return from Paris in 1831, presented to the printing house two projects for lists of books: a project to revive the foundational texts of Islamic heritage, and a project for translating the sciences of modern European civilization. We also found that all the envoys sent by the state to Europe during the reigns of Muhammad Ali, Abbas, and Said went to specialize in the natural sciences that alter reality, and not a single envoy went to study theology, literature, arts, or humanities that shape human sentiment and formulate the construction of the human soul, because this task is the exclusive domain of the Islamic cultural model and no other!

When the experience regressed and colonialism prevailed, the situation reversed, and we were deprived of the European knowledge we needed, and were bombarded with various forms of the 'other' cultural model instead of the model of the 'self'!"

_____________________________________

(1) See: "The Complete Works of Rifa'a al-Tahtawi," Vol. 1, pp. 335, 435, 441, 511, and Vol. 2, pp. 951, 97, study and verification by Dr. Muhammad Amara, Beirut edition, 1973.

(2) See: Omar Tousson, "Scientific Missions during the Reigns of Muhammad Ali, Abbas, and Saeed," pp. 23, 24, 219, 11, 162, 163, Cairo edition, 1934.

 

The term "Donmeh" is often mentioned without many realizing that this word is the foundation of the fall of the Islamic Caliphate on March 3, 1924, at the hands of "Kemal Ataturk," a Donmeh Jew. So, what is the story of Donmeh? When did they appear? And what did they do?

Meaning and Origin

In Turkish, "Donmeh" means "guidance" or "return to the truth." It was used to describe a group of Jews who fled the "Inquisition" in Andalusia at the hands of the Catholics. Rejected by all European countries, they sought refuge in the Islamic Caliphate, which accepted them and provided them with a safe life. They pretended to convert to Islam but retained their Jewish beliefs and practiced all their religious rituals. Among them was "Kemal Ataturk," the son of "Zubayda," a courtesan—his father is unknown—who founded the "Committee of Union and Progress" or "Young Turks," marking the beginning of the end for the Islamic Caliphate. He later changed the Turkish alphabet from Arabic to Latin, translated the Quran into Turkish, and called the Adhan (call to prayer) in Turkish, the first time in history that the Adhan was called in a language other than Arabic. He then made secularism the foundation of the state and enacted a constitution that criminalized everything Islamic, among other things we know.

Sabbatai Zevi and the Sabbateans

The Donmeh Jews are also called "Sabbateans," named after "Sabbatai Zevi," born in Izmir in 1626, the son of the "Black Inspector." At a time when Jews and Christians believed that the awaited Messiah would appear in 1648, Sabbatai was motivated to claim that he was the awaited Messiah. Using his intelligence and extensive religious knowledge, he overcame those who debated him and deceived those close to him. Indeed, he claimed prophethood in 1648.

Sabbatai issued a statement saying: "Peace from the Son of God, Sabbatai, the Messiah of Israel. You have had the honor of witnessing the savior of the Children of Israel, the one foretold by our prophets and ancestors. Turn your sorrows into joy, your fasting into feasting and merriment. Do not grieve anymore. Announce your joy with tambourines, organs, and music. Thank the one who promised and fulfilled his promise. Continue your worship as before. In times of calamity and mourning, make them days of thanksgiving and joy because of my resurrection. Do not fear anything, for your rule will not be limited to the nations of the earth but will extend to all creatures in the depths of the seas. All these are subjugated to you and your well-being... Sabbatai Zevi."

Sabbatai's Journey

When Sabbatai published his false statement, he realized the danger of claiming prophethood in an Islamic country. He left Izmir and moved to Istanbul in 1650, where he received help from a fake rabbi who welcomed him. Unable to establish a base, he moved to Athens, then returned to Izmir and Istanbul in 1659, then to Cairo in 1663, and from there to Jerusalem. However, he feared for his life and did not preach his claims to anyone.

Sarah and the Marriage Prophecy

Meanwhile, in Amsterdam, a beautiful girl named "Sarah," who loved adventures, heard about a handsome young man in Izmir who claimed to be the Messiah. She sought to exploit him for fame and fabricated a vision, spreading it among the Jews, claiming that a light would shine in 1666 and that she would marry the Messiah who would appear that year.

The news reached Sabbatai after some time, and he decided to exploit it. He fabricated a vision suggesting he would marry a Polish girl, and the naive Jews considered this a miracle of Sabbatai.

Sabbatai sent for Sarah, who was in Cairo at the time. She came to him, and they married, holding a legendary wedding that positively reinforced his claims. Encouraged, he returned to Izmir in 1666, gaining many followers. Soon, the Jews of Izmir were at his command, and his fame spread to Rhodes, Edirne, and Sofia, with delegations coming to him from Germany.

Sabbatai's Coronation and Arrest

During this period, Sabbatai held a coronation ceremony, receiving visitors with specific appointments and ceremonies. According to his belief, he divided the world into 38 regions, appointing a king for each. He changed some Jewish customs and signed his letters as "The First and Only Son of God... Sabbatai Zevi."

At that time, the Ottoman Empire, led by Sultan Mehmed IV and his Grand Vizier Fazil Pasha, was preoccupied with the Cretan War. However, when the matter threatened to extend beyond the Jews to other groups, the judge of Izmir suggested to the Grand Vizier the necessity of arresting Sabbatai. He was ordered to be arrested and sent by sea to Istanbul. During the investigations, Sabbatai denied all accusations but was tortured and then transferred to the "Zindan Fabi" prison.

The Encounter with Nahum Cohen

Meanwhile, another Jewish rabbi in Poland named "Nahum Cohen," knowledgeable in the sciences of summoning spirits, visited Sabbatai in prison. He informed Sabbatai that he, too, was the Messiah and that the holy books foretold two Messiahs, not one!

The situation became more complicated, and people began flocking to the prison out of curiosity to see these two claimants. The government ordered Sabbatai's transfer to the Edirne Palace. There, the false Messiah faced a difficult test, with Mustafa Pasha, the acting Grand Vizier, Sheikh al-Islam Yahya Efendi Menkri Zadeh, and the palace imam Muhammad Efendi Wanli present. The Sultan listened from an adjacent room.

Through a special interpreter, Sabbatai was told: "You claim to be the Messiah, show us your miracle. We will strip you of your clothes and make you a target for our skilled archers. If the arrows do not pierce your body, the Sultan will accept your claim."

Understanding the meaning of what he heard, Sabbatai denied all his claims. Sultan Mehmed IV, hearing everything, ordered that Sabbatai be offered Islam. Seeing himself between the danger of death and Islam, Sabbatai chose to convert to Islam, adopting the persona of a fake Muslim named "Muhammad Aziz Efendi."

Sabbatai's Continued Influence

However, Sabbatai's story did not end with his conversion to Islam. It perhaps began with his new name, "Muhammad Efendi." After saving his life with this name, he sent a circular to his followers, saying: "God has made me a Muslim. I am your brother, 'Muhammad the Gatekeeper.' This is how He commanded me, so I obeyed. The ancient Jewish books mentioned that the Messiah would be followed by Muslims." Sabbatai announced in this circular to his followers that he would continue his mission by adapting to the new situation. His followers spread the rumor that Sabbatai's old body had ascended to heaven and returned by God's command in the form of an angel wearing a robe and turban to complete the Messiah's mission. Here, Jewish cunning was evident. Sabbatai sought to gather his followers under a new guise, approaching the Mufti of the Caliphate to allow him to invite Jews to Islam. Once he obtained what he wanted, he resumed his previous mission, this time aiming to establish his sect, outwardly Muslim but inwardly Sabbatean.

Thus, followers of the fake Muslim came from everywhere, wearing turbans and robes. The Turks called the followers of this new sect "Donmeh," meaning those who returned to the truth or the guided ones. Little did they know they were facing a dangerous Jewish faction that would destroy the Caliphate and undermine the religion's foundations in the Caliphate's seat, which is what happened.

 

 

 

 

In a world teeming with misconceptions, exaggerated statements, and terms whose meanings have not been clarified, and after these concepts, statements, and terms have moved beyond the realm of thought to incite and erupt into bloody violence affecting millions in many countries, it is imperative to take the initiative to define concepts, clarify statements, and elucidate the precise scientific meanings of terms. This is essential to guide thought and invite all parties from all religions, sects, and ideologies to a common word.

Here, we will strive to provide brief summaries that clarify and illuminate the precise meanings of the most important terms and statements that have caused and continue to cause intellectual confusion, leading some people into intellectual extremism and pushing others into the mire of bloody violence.

  1. The Term "Hakimiyyah" (Divine Sovereignty)

While we deeply believe in divine sovereignty: "The decision is only for Allah" (Al-An'am: 57), superficial and deviant thought creates a contradiction between the sovereignty of Allah and the sovereignty of humans who believe in divine sovereignty. Claiming this supposed contradiction ignores the theory of divine succession of humans to establish this earth for Allah and His sovereignty. Allah appointed David (peace be upon him) as a successor to judge among the people with truth, which is Allah's judgment: "O David, indeed We have made you a successor upon the earth, so judge between the people in truth and do not follow desire, for it will lead you astray from the way of Allah" (Sad: 26).

Human sovereignty committed to divine law is the embodiment of Allah's sovereignty. Imam Ibn Hazm Al-Andalusi (994 – 1064 AD) said, "One of Allah's judgments is to delegate judgment to others."

This divine method of succession for humans applies to all fields of thought and life. All honor belongs to Allah, but the honor of the human successor derives from the honor of Allah and His Messenger (peace be upon him). Intercession belongs to Allah, but the human successor is granted intercession by Allah. All strength belongs to Allah, but a strong believer, who prepares strength to protect the truth, is more beloved to Allah than a weak believer. Wealth belongs to Allah, yet Allah has appointed humans as successors in life to invest, benefit from, and enjoy wealth and resources. Furthermore, some humans are those in authority; their obedience in righteousness is obedience to Allah and His Messenger. Thus, there is no contradiction between the sovereignty of Allah, the supremacy of His law, and the judgment of the nation, which is the source of authority.

  1. The Terms "Jahiliyyah" (Ignorance) and "Takfir" (Excommunication)

Extremists and deviant thinkers have created a false contradiction between divine sovereignty and human sovereignty, leading to judgments of ignorance and then to excommunication of societies that have accepted democracy as a tool of governance. They ignore that democracy, as mechanisms for managing state institutions, is the alternative to tyranny and dictatorship. Democracy, as mechanisms, translates into Islamic Shura (consultation), which is essentially participation in decision-making.

Therefore, benefiting from democratic mechanisms, despite their origins outside the Islamic world, is an inspiration of wisdom, which is the lost treasure of the believer, regardless of its proponents or the intellectual and political spaces in which it originated.

Furthermore, Islamic countries that have adopted democracy affirm in their constitutions that the principles of Islamic Sharia are the primary and main source of their legislation and laws. Thus, they are protected from any philosophical concepts contrary to Islamic Sharia that some Western democratic societies have known and still know.

With this understanding, human sovereignty has no relation to the ignorance that extremists speak of. These extremists have deviated from the linguistic and terminological meaning of "Jahiliyyah" in our Islamic civilization. In its precise meaning, Jahiliyyah is "the period between two messengers when polytheism is the axis of belief."

The presence of Jahiliyyah impurities in Islamic societies does not mean that these societies are entirely ignorant. The Prophet (peace be upon him) said to Abu Dhar Al-Ghifari, who was the most truthful of speakers under the sky: "O Abu Dhar, you are a man with ignorance in you." The presence of Jahiliyyah impurities, which reformers strive to cleanse these societies of, does not mean that these societies are entirely ignorant.

By clarifying the term Jahiliyyah, the judgment on our Islamic societies as infidel societies governed by infidel states is negated. Faith, the opposite of disbelief, is a heartfelt belief that reaches the level of certainty. The knowledge of this heartfelt belief is exclusive to Allah, who knows the secrets of the eyes and what the hearts conceal.

Disputes and differences that distinguish between factions in our Islamic societies are political and state-related. In the Sunni tradition, representing 90% of the Muslim nation, state and politics are secondary and jurisprudential issues, not doctrinal. Criteria for differences in policies and jurisprudence are "right and wrong" and "benefit and harm," not "faith and disbelief," which is reserved for differences in fundamental beliefs. Thus, pluralism in politics and jurisprudence is a divine law that does not change or alter, while there is no pluralism in fundamental beliefs.

Due to these facts, which extremists have either ignored or misunderstood, our civilization in our heritage and jurisprudence has been dominated by cautionary statements against excommunication. Imam Al-Ghazali (1058 – 1111 AD) said, "Excommunication is dangerous, and remaining silent about it is not dangerous. Errors in the fundamental issues of Imamate, its identification, conditions, and related matters (i.e., in all fields of politics) do not warrant excommunication. The tendency to excommunicate predominantly affects those inclined to ignorance. The prudent scholar should avoid excommunication as much as possible. Permitting the blood and wealth of those who pray toward the Qiblah, openly declaring 'There is no god but Allah, Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah,' is an error. It is better to err by leaving a thousand disbelievers alive than to spill a drop of a Muslim's blood."

Those who have fallen into the mire of excommunication, who claim to follow Sheikh al-Islam Ibn Taymiyyah (1263 – 1328 AD), are ignorant of his warnings against excommunication. He said, "We choose not to excommunicate anyone from the people of the Qiblah." "The people of innovation are those who innovate statements, not making them obligatory in religion, but considering them part of the essential faith, excommunicating those who disagree with them, and permitting their blood. As for the Sunnis, they do not innovate statements, nor do they excommunicate those who err in their jurisprudence, even if they oppose them, excommunicate them, or permit their blood. The Companions did not excommunicate the Khawarij, even though the Khawarij excommunicated Uthman, Ali, and their supporters and permitted the blood of Muslims who opposed them. Those who excommunicate opposing leaders are deserving of severe punishment to deter them and their likes from excommunicating Muslims."

In modern times, Imam Muhammad Abduh (1849 – 1905 AD) said, "It is well-known among Muslims and one of their religious principles that if a statement from someone has a hundred interpretations of disbelief and one interpretation of faith, it should be taken as faith, and it is not permissible to consider it disbelief."

  1. The Term "Caliphate"

Historically, the Caliphate in Islamic history was the political system that achieved three objectives:

  1. Unity of the Ummah (community). B. Integration—not unity—of the regions and provinces of the Islamic world. C. Application of Islamic Sharia in Islamic societies.

Since governance systems embody authority in societies, these systems—including the Caliphate—are civil systems, classified, developed, and changed by the Ummah to achieve the intended objectives. These systems are Islamic to the extent they achieve the purposes of Islamic Sharia. Therefore, any political system that achieves the unity of the Ummah, integration of the regions of the Islamic world, and application of Islamic Sharia is an Islamic system, even if we do not call it a Caliphate. The significance lies in the purposes and meanings, not the names and forms.

If the Islamic East had established, as the European West did, a common economic and commercial market, a customs union, joint defense, joint parliamentary institutions, a joint foreign policy secretariat, and a court for human rights, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation would have become the modern form of the historical Islamic Caliphate.

This concept was proposed in the reformist school since the second half of the 19th century. Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (1838 – 1897 AD), the pioneer of this school, combined the slogan "Egypt for the Egyptians" with "Islamic Unity." He wrote, along with Imam Muhammad Abduh, in "Al-Urwah al-Wuthqa" in 1884 about this concept: "From Edirne in Turkey to Peshawar in Pakistan, Islamic states have contiguous lands, united in faith, brought together by the Quran. Should they not agree to protect and advance as other nations have agreed? Agreement is one of the principles of their religion, and it will divert the floods pouring on them from all sides. I do not seek, by this statement, to have a single ruler over them all, but I hope that the Quran will be their common authority. Each ruler on his throne should strive to preserve the other as much as possible, for his survival depends on the survival of others. This, being the foundation of their religion, is a necessity dictated by current needs."

Thus, there is no contradiction between the existence of national, regional, and ethnic states and the solidarity and integration that unite them. Those who envision the Caliphate as a party that sees it as the magical solution to all problems, or as a "militia" that pledges allegiance to an unknown and wants to impose it on the nation through bloody violence, are merely playing with matters that should not be tampered with.

 

As the 435th day of "The Al-Aqsa Flood" operation approaches, the occupying forces continue to escalate their aggression against the Gaza Strip, leaving behind massacres against civilians, amidst ongoing clashes between the Palestinian resistance and the occupying forces on several fronts.  

 The Occupation Assassinated the Mayor of Deir al-Balah   

At least 10 Palestinians were martyred, and others were injured due to the occupation's shelling of the Deir al-Balah municipal building in the center of the Gaza Strip, which housed dozens of displaced persons. The Palestinian News Agency confirmed that the Israeli warplanes targeted the building, resulting in the martyrdom of 10 people, including the mayor, as well as injuries to dozens.

Later on, 7 Palestinians were martyred, and others were injured in the occupation's bombardment of a school sheltering displaced persons west of Gaza City. Local sources reported that the occupation aircraft destroyed the "Majda and Wasila" school in the northern Rimal neighborhood, resulting in the martyrdom of victims and injuries among women and children.

 Al-Barsh: The Sector Faces an Unprecedented Humanitarian Catastrophe   

Mounir Al-Barsh, the General Director of the Ministry of Health in Gaza, stated that the sector is suffering from total destruction and facing an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe. Al-Barsh confirmed in statements to Al Jazeera Channel that 70% of the martyrs are women and children, noting that hospitals are operating with minimal resources in light of severe shortages of medicine and medical supplies. He added that there is a 60% shortfall in essential medicines, calling for a safe corridor to transport assistance between Kamal Adwan and Al-Awda hospitals.

 Hamas: Open to Any Serious Initiatives to Stop the Aggression   

On the 37th anniversary of its launch, the Islamic Resistance Movement "Hamas" announced that it is open to any serious initiatives to halt the aggression and the crimes of the occupation against the Palestinian people. The movement affirmed its commitment to achieving the aspirations of the Palestinian people for freedom and self-determination, emphasizing the necessity of the return of displaced persons and the withdrawal of the occupation from Palestinian territories and reconstruction.

 A Hamas Leader: 13 Martyrs in the West Bank at the Hands of the Authority's Forces since October 7   

Abdul Rahman Shadeed, a leader in Hamas in the West Bank, stated that 13 Palestinians have been martyred at the hands of the Palestinian security forces since the beginning of the Zionist aggression on October 7, 2023. In statements to Al Jazeera Channel, Shadeed called on the Palestinian Authority to strengthen national unity instead of targeting field leaders in the West Bank. He confirmed that what the Authority is doing constitutes a clear targeting of the escalating resistance, pointing out that these policies open the door to internal strife amid the massacres committed by the occupation in Gaza. Shadeed called on the Authority to stop this approach, which threatens the stability of the Palestinian people.

"Hamas": Continuous Pursuit of Resistance Fighters by the Authority Aligns with the Occupation's Aggression

In a related context, Hamas affirmed that the ongoing pursuit of resistance fighters in Jenin by the security agencies of the Palestinian Authority is in alignment with the aggression of the occupation.

In a press statement, the movement mourned the martyr leader Yazid Jaja'isa, who was shot by the security forces in Jenin, just days after the execution of the young man Rabhi Al-Shalabi.

The movement called for a decisive stance against this behavior that threatens the stability of the Palestinian people, demanding an end to the assaults and the release of political prisoners.

"Al-Qassam" Reveals Details of an Ambush Targeting Occupation Forces West of Jabalia

The Al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas, revealed footage documenting an ambush carried out by its fighters last week against trucks and military vehicles transporting soldiers near the communications intersection west of the Jabalia camp in northern Gaza Strip.

The brigades explained that the operation took place last Monday morning, where a force of their fighters set up a well-planned ambush targeting a platoon of infantry and vehicles belonging to the occupation forces at the mentioned location.

The footage published by the brigades showed the field preparations for the operation, while the commander of the executing group clarified that the target was a unit from the "Givati" Brigade, which was stationed inside houses west of the telecommunications company, supported by several formations of armored vehicles and engineering units of the occupation army.

Abu Obaida: The Occupation Deliberately Bombed a Site with Israeli Prisoners to Kill Them

The spokesperson for Al-Qassam Brigades, Abu Obaida, revealed today, Saturday, through his account on the "Telegram" platform, that the occupation army recently targeted a site where a number of Israeli prisoners are held, confirming that the bombing was repeated to ensure their deaths.

Abu Obaida stated: "We have intelligence information indicating that the enemy deliberately bombed the site with the aim of eliminating the prisoners and their guards."

He added that the fighters of the brigades attempted to rescue the prisoners from the location and succeeded in saving one of them, but his fate remains unknown until now.

Abu Obaida held the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, his government, and his army fully responsible for this incident and for the lives of the prisoners who were at the site.

Protests at New York University in Rejection of Aggression on Gaza

In a show of solidarity, students and professors at New York University closed the "Bobst Library" on the Manhattan campus in protest against the Zionist aggression on Gaza.

According to the Palestinian news agency, the protesters linked themselves with plastic tubes to shut the doors, demanding severing ties with companies and educational institutions in the occupying state and withdrawing investments from companies that support it.

The protesters affirmed that they will continue their activities until the aggression on the Gaza Strip ends.

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