History and Roots

The contemporary Libyan political mind can be traced back to the establishment of the Karamanli state in 1711 by its founder, Ahmed Pasha Karamanli, who descended from Ottoman origins (Karaman); the title of cavalryman goes back to his great-grandfather, who served as one of the soldiers in the Ottoman navy.

Karamanli lived as a high-ranking officer in the Ottoman garrison, characterized by strength and bravery, and possessed a military leadership personality that earned him respect from the Ottoman leadership, while also instilling fear among the senior officers vying for power in the province (the Province of Tripoli).

 Political Conflict among Ottoman Pashas in the Province of Tripoli

The political conflict among the Ottoman pashas in Tripoli was intense, leading to political instability that affected social and economic life. This instability was manifested in the feelings of local inhabitants, including traders, tribal chiefs, dignitaries, and religious scholars, prompting them to view this situation as a necessity to engage in the political fray and participate in one way or another to improve the political situation in the province. Their aim was to foster a climate of calm and stability in a land caught in significant chaos that impacted public life across all its spheres.

The residents of Manshiya and the coastal areas, loyal to Ahmed Pasha, called for his appointment as the province's ruler. They aided him in besieging the city, where he had supporters and allies who enabled him to enter the fortress. A meeting was held with the council, and the Tripolitans decided not to accept the pasha sent by the Ottoman Sultan, communicating their desire to appoint Ahmed Pasha while rejecting Khalil Pasha's rule over them.

This political action taken by the people of Tripoli with the council and prominent figures is considered the first political step in the history of political thought and action in modern Libya, marking the initial building blocks of the Libyan political mind. This led to the selection of a ruler imposed upon the central government in Istanbul, which yielded to the fait accompli and was later compelled to recognize the choice of Libyan politicians for the country's ruler, even if that was against their wish. Thus, the Libyans imposed their political will upon the Ottoman authority, which is regarded as a political success and significant progress by the standards of politics and authority at that time (1711). The governance of the Province of Tripoli remained hereditary within the lineage of Ahmed Pasha until 1835, when direct Ottoman rule returned to the province.

 The Ottoman Constitution and the Council of Deputies

Following the issuance of the Ottoman Constitution in 1876, Tripoli was granted the right to parliamentary representation, known as the "Council of Deputies." Due to time constraints and the inability to hold elections, two deputies were appointed from the governor and the provincial administration in the first session. In the second session in 1877, a member was replaced while another remained in the council, prompting objections against this procedure, which were accepted from Istanbul, along with a consent to hold elections, supported by the citizens through a petition signed by two thousand individuals under the supervision of the municipal council. The Italian author Ettore Rossi notes in his book "Libya from the Arab Conquest to 1911": "This incident deserves our attention, as it indicates the freedom with which elections were held."

 The First Secret Political Society

In the late Ottoman period, just prior to the Italian invasion of Libya, and with the French occupation of Tunisia, the youth in the Province of Tripoli felt a sense of danger. Over ten young individuals from both the eastern and western parts of the province (Tripoli and Barqa) established a secret political society that outlined a work program named “Benefits and Advice.” This program explained the goals of the nascent society, which included: reforming the province's conditions by improving the education system, raising awareness among the province's residents about the dangers of European colonialism, especially the French and Italian ambitions to seize the province, and calling for tribes throughout the province to reconcile, abandon discord, and avoid conflict with the Ottoman state to unite in facing the looming threat to the country.

The members of the association used all available means at that time, including mosques, press, and cultural gatherings, to raise awareness of their goals and to educate the public. This made it easier for the government to discover the political activities of the association, leading to the arrest of its members and their trial on charges of forming a "corrupt association in the country and endangering its system." They received varying sentences, including exile from the country and imprisonment, while some were released.

The activities of this association are considered the first peaceful political activity in the history of modern Libya. These activities took on a secretive nature due to the nature of the regime and the restrictions it imposed on political work, along with the imprisonment, exile, and oppression faced by those engaging in political activity. This had an impact on the formation of the Libyan political mindset, affecting both the rulers and the cultural elites who were concerned with politics and sought reform and change. Repression and oppression became prominent features in dealing with the Libyan political mindset, a method that continued in relatively varied forms and influenced the paths of the evolution of the Libyan political thought.

Political work and resistance to the Italian invasion

Early signs of the collective Libyan political thought manifested through the emergence of political leaders in the province of Tripoli, who recognized the Italian ambitions in Tripoli early on. These ambitions were reflected in the preparations for its invasion at the beginning of the first decade of the twentieth century, through exploratory missions and intelligence missions disguised as exploratory associations, as well as economic projects, such as the branches of the Bank of Rome in Tripoli and Benghazi.

The response from the politicians in the province of Tripoli was to present petitions of warning and alert to the Ottoman governor of Tripoli, along with holding intensive meetings in various cities to raise awareness of the bank's activities and its role in land acquisition. The bank provided loans under unfair conditions that led to the local borrower's inability to repay, resulting in the pledged land falling under the ownership of the Italian bank.

Libyan politicians also became active in resisting Italian penetration through writing in local and Arab newspapers to warn about its repercussions, preparing citizens and managing the province to be ready to resist the imminent military invasion that the Italian government was preparing, which began with the declaration of war on the Ottoman Empire in September 1911, followed by the invasion of Tripoli in October of the same year.

The pattern of work in the Libyan political thought shifted to a new phase, characterized by resistance to colonialism through a policy of combining two parallel and complementary lines: military resistance and political work that benefited from the results of military action, during the period of Italian occupation that lasted from 1911 until the Second World War, and the departure of the Italians from Libya. This period saw the entry of Allied forces in 1942 alongside the Liberation Army consisting of Libyan expatriates from Egypt, led by Prince Mohammed Idris Al-Sanusi.

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* The author is the head of Kundi Center for Studies and Research.