The scene of the souvenirs presented by the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) to the three “Israeli” female captives who were recently released carries profound implications and conveys humanitarian messages that surpass any political symbolism.
I may not be exaggerating when I say that the gesture of giving gifts was a remarkable move by the Palestinian resistance, demonstrating its refinement, high morals, and respect for human dignity—even toward enemies or captives—when compared to an oppressive occupier who has killed infants, children, women, the elderly, and the sick, burned everything to the ground, and demolished mosques, churches, schools, and hospitals.
After more than 15 months of war, 471 days of genocide, bombings, and destruction, over 150,000 martyrs and wounded, an estimated 40 million tons of rubble, and heaps of decaying corpses and torn body parts—then you present gifts to your opponent. Why? How? And for what purpose?!
The “bizarre gift bags,” as described by the “Israeli” press, were almost like a sign of a moral victory for the Palestinians. They indicated that Palestinians had not lost their composure or resilience. They still possessed creativity, the ability to think outside the box, and even to astonish their enemy with something new.
Inside the gift bags were a map of the Gaza Strip, photos of the captives' memories during their imprisonment, and a release certificate titled "Prisoner Release Decision," which included the prisoner's name, age, date of captivity, birthdate, and release date, stamped with the seal of “Al-Qassam Brigades.”
The Palestinians achieved victory through the scene of these gifts—on humanitarian, psychological, moral, literary, and military levels. They insist on humiliating the occupier, exposing its crimes, and fraying its nerves, while simultaneously sending a positive message to their own captives: “Our humanity triumphs over you despite your occupation of our land, your desecration of our holy sites, and your destruction of our people.”
“I am human” is the overarching title of what the resistance accomplished, transcending the idea that it was merely a strategic tactic, media maneuver, or political message. It was a scene that demonstrated to the world the nobility, integrity, and chivalry of the Palestinian people.
The gift bags carried profound messages of da'wah, as the captives appeared in the best possible condition—wearing clean clothes, with braided hair, and in good health. This confirmed that the Palestinian mujahid had not forgotten his Islamic faith and the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ concerning the treatment of captives, which include protecting their rights, honoring them, clothing them, and refraining from starving, torturing, insulting, or humiliating them.
Part of this excellent treatment was what “Al-Qassam” did by giving gifts to a human being who might one day embrace Islam, become neutral, or reconsider their hostile stance toward a people who rightfully own this land. At the very least, it serves as a reminder of the good treatment they received during captivity from people whom the Western Zionist propaganda machine portrays as extremists and terrorists—only for these captives to find themselves receiving gifts from those same people.
The souvenir gift bags affirmed the Palestinian resistance's commitment to international treaties, the principles of international law during wars and conflicts, and the Geneva Conventions regarding the treatment of prisoners of war—laws and norms that the Zionist enemy and its fascist government, implicated in war crimes against humanity, have not abided by.
The scene of the captives smiling as they left imprisonment and received their release certificates is clear evidence of the good treatment they received. One of the released captives even appeared wearing a necklace adorned with the Palestinian flag.
The individual capable of such a noble gesture and innovative step is indeed capable of rebuilding Gaza, nurturing it with goodness, healing wounds, gathering the scattered, clearing the rubble, and erasing the traces of brutal aggression—if only circumstances permit and resources are made available.
Reconstruction starts with people. The prisoners' gift bags send a message to the entire world that it is witnessing a great generation of humanity, a unique type of people, and pure human genes combining the morals of Islam, the authenticity of the Arabs, and the virtues of humanity. This affirms the legitimate right of these people to liberate their land and holy sites, and to achieve freedom and dignity without needing decisions from the Security Council, the United Nations, or the International Criminal Court, whose ink has failed to stop the bloodshed over 471 days!
The Palestinians have advanced significantly beyond what is written in the sciences of war, politics, economics, psychology, sociology, and human development—demonstrating legendary resilience, determined resistance, heroic patience, ambitious hope, innovative tactics, meticulous preparation, and remarkable planning and execution. This epic saga will be immortalized in history by those who did not forget to present gifts to captives.
Defiant Gaza deserves a serious stand and a popular, Arab, Islamic, and international mobilization for reconstruction—not just because it has been destroyed and turned into rubble, but because it is home to human beings whose humanity has grown so immense that they have triumphed over their enemies and taught the world the art of humanity.
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Khalil Hayya, a member of the political bureau of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) and its leader in the Gaza Strip, confirmed that what happened on the seventh of October represents a miracle and a military and security achievement carried out by the elite forces of "Al-Qassam." He emphasized that this event will remain a source of pride for the Palestinian people and their resistance, passed down through generations.
In a speech following the announcement of a ceasefire agreement concerning the war on the Gaza Strip, Hayya stated: Gaza has proven to the world that our enemy will not defeat our people or our resistance, and they will not witness any moment of weakness or defeat from us.
During his speech, Hayya highlighted the following points:
Hayya clarified that the "Al-Aqsa Flood" operation struck the occupation entity at its core, adding that the Palestinian people will regain all their rights, and the occupation will soon retreat from our land, our Jerusalem, and our holy sites. He described the war launched by the occupation against Gaza as a stain on the face of humanity, stressing that the Palestinian people will not forget those who were complacent in the face of this brutality.
Hayya pointed out that the occupation aimed to eliminate the Palestinian cause and displace the residents of Gaza, but its plans have failed. He added: The occupation did not achieve any of its objectives; our people remained steadfast on their land, and our resistance remained a solid shield defending them. He referred to the valor of the "Al-Qassam Brigades" in the battle of October seventh, noting that the qualitative operations carried out by the heroes of "Al-Qassam" astonished the world with their bravery and proved the superiority of the resistance over the occupation on the battlefield. He also praised the sacrifices of the men of "Al-Quds Brigades," the military wing of the Islamic Jihad Movement, who fought alongside "Al-Qassam" with a spirit of sacrifice and heroism.
Hayya expressed his deep appreciation for the support received by the resistance from its allies in the region, referring to the role of the Lebanese "Hezbollah," which made significant sacrifices, and Iran's role in supporting the resistance and launching rockets that struck the heart of the occupation. He added that "Ansar Allah" in Yemen changed the dynamics of the war by launching rockets and drones toward the occupied entity, while the Iraqi resistance contributed to supporting the Palestinian cause by breaching barriers to reach the occupied territories.
Hayya thanked the mediating countries, especially Qatar and Egypt, for their tireless efforts since the first day of the war. He also expressed his gratitude to the countries that stood by the Palestinian people, such as Turkey, Algeria, South Africa, Russia, China, Malaysia, and Indonesia, as well as the free people around the world who supported the cause.
Hayya concluded his speech by affirming that Gaza stands today on the threshold of a new phase marked by rebuilding, solidarity, and removing the effects of aggression, calling for the strengthening of solidarity and compassion to reconstruct what the occupation has destroyed.
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Source: Al-Mujtama
Since the Arab states gave up on liberating Palestine in the mid-1960s, various resistance movements with different ideological and intellectual perspectives have borne the burden of liberation. Consequently, youth have become more involved in these movements, more engaged with the Palestinian cause, and more aware of the reality and danger of the Zionist project. Since that time, young people's blood has been the most shed, and they have suffered the most in various prisons, especially in the prisons of the Zionist occupation.
Before the “Al-Aqsa Flood” on October 7, 2023, interest in the Palestinian cause was waning among many young Arabs. Many believed that the Zionist army was invincible and that achieving a victory over it, or even delivering painful blows, was impossible. They thought normalization with the Zionist entity was the only option for Palestinians and Arabs, and that there was no escape from submitting and accepting the existence and superiority of “Israel.”
However, the “Al-Aqsa Flood” operation had a significant impact on Palestinian and Arab youth. The events revived the Palestinian cause and brought back the tragedy of the 1948 Arab Nakba. This time, the Palestinian response was entirely different. Hundreds of thousands of Gazans rejected Zionist displacement plans, clinging to their existence in Palestine even if borders were opened and countries welcomed them.
Many opinion polls indicate that the Gaza war has had a significant impact on both Palestinian and Arab youth. In the West Bank, the majority supported the resistance project led by Hamas, while support for peaceful and normalization projects with “Israel” pursued by the Palestinian Authority, led by President Mahmoud Abbas, declined. This support for Hamas transcends party and factional commitments, favoring the resistance project.
A poll conducted on December 13, 2023, by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research showed an increase in support for Hamas in the West Bank. 85% of those surveyed supported Hamas's surprise attack on “Israel” on October 7, 2023, while only 10% supported the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, and 7% supported Mahmoud Abbas.
This poll reveals the presence and deep-rootedness of the resistance project within the Palestinian society across all factions and forces, especially among youth. Young people believe that normalization has not improved Palestinians' living conditions or deepened their sense of security and hope for a better life. Instead, it has led to increased settlements that consume land and confine Palestinians to small, fragmented areas unsuitable for life or development, let alone establishing an independent state. Therefore, the “Al-Aqsa Flood” and the Gaza war have shifted Palestinian youth from accepting the logic of normalization to embracing the horizon of resistance, increasing youth support for the resistance project and their involvement in its current.
Anyone following the impact of the Gaza war among youth in the West Bank will notice that resistance has become a youth option. Hence, “Israeli” incursions into cities, villages, and camps in the West Bank, their siege, and the arrest and killing of young people have not ceased. The number of martyrs has exceeded 370 Palestinians, while the number of detainees has surpassed 6,200 since the “Al-Aqsa Flood.” These Zionist crimes in the West Bank undoubtedly create a strong barrier against normalization projects and a lasting memory of the brutal reality of the Zionist occupation, weakening the security apparatus of the Authority in Ramallah in suppressing youth anger against the ongoing war of genocide in Gaza.
At the Arab youth level, despite the apparent calm in Arab capitals, the “Al-Aqsa Flood” and the Gaza war have revived the Palestinian cause in the hearts of many young Arabs. This awakening has prevented those known as the “Arab Likud” or “Arab Zionists” from having a media presence opposing the resistance project or supporting “Israel.” Some normalization advocates have even expressed regret for supporting normalization with “Israel.” For instance, Dr. Osama Al-Ghazali Harb apologized, writing in the Cairo newspaper “Al-Ahram”: “I apologize for my good faith in the 'Israelis,' who have revealed a vile, criminal racist spirit. I apologize to the martyrs of Gaza, and to every Palestinian child, woman, and man... I apologize.”
In a survey conducted by the Washington Institute between November 14, 2023, and January 6, 2024, involving a thousand Saudis, 95% supported what Hamas did on October 7, 2023. 91% of them viewed the Gaza war as a victory for Palestinians despite the destruction and loss of life. 96% opposed normalization with “Israel” and called for severing diplomatic, commercial, and economic ties with “Israel.” According to this survey, Hamas enjoys unprecedented support in Egypt, Jordan, and Lebanon. For example, in Lebanon, 8 out of 10 Lebanese have a positive view of Hamas, indicating that support for Hamas and the resistance project extends beyond sectarian boundaries.
Palestinian, Arab, and Muslim youth have played a prominent role in “humanizing” the war on Gaza and transforming it into a humanitarian tragedy that necessitates intervention to stop the barbaric genocide that “Israel” is perpetrating in Gaza. The significant efforts of youth have presented a different narrative of the war on Gaza, gaining wide global acceptance and support. This has been evident in the demonstrations flooding Western capitals, narrowing the grip on the “Israeli” and Western narrative about the war on Gaza. Youth efforts have been clear on social media platforms, providing extensive information and videos, exposing the Palestinian plight and rights. For instance, over 50 million posts appeared on the “X” platform during the first two days of the war on Gaza. Despite billionaire Elon Musk's visit to “Israel,” millions of posts condemned “Israel,” prompting the platform's administration to launch a campaign to close many influential pro-Palestinian accounts after threats from the European Commission. Hashtags supporting the Palestinian cause garnered millions of views; for example, the hashtag “#Palestine” received 40.3 billion views on “TikTok,” and the hashtag “NotJustNumbers,” which tells the stories of martyrs in Gaza, achieved wide reach.
These efforts by youth on social media have significantly changed the stance toward the Palestinian cause in most Arab countries, especially among youth. This has been confirmed by “Foreign Affairs” magazine, stating that after the Gaza war, “Israel” is less popular, having changed Arab perspectives.
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We remain ready, and not distracted by vanity.
Just as this success and integration has become a source of pride, it also imposes a shared burden on both causes: to fully absorb the lessons of the current stage in light of ancient wisdom. Since the elections in Iraq and Palestine are only forty days apart, the collective advice for both is: do not lay down your arms, no matter how abundant the political and electoral gains may seem. The proper time to lay down arms will be when the occupier withdraws, the effects of occupation are erased, the land returns to its people, and rights are restored.
The most important thing is that both jihads do not fall for the democratic deception, settling for a ministerial or even presidential position.
Sixty years ago, Mohammad Natsir and the Masyumi Party, along with its militant wing “Darul Islam,” fought until Indonesia's independence was achieved after World War II. The secular and opportunistic faction wanted to steal the revolution and monopolize it without including Darul Islam, Masyumi, or the broader Islamic movement, but they feared the armed strength they possessed.
President Sukarno's clever plan was to make the righteous man, Dr. Muhammad Natsir, the head of the Masyumi Party, the Prime Minister. This was to convince him that he held actual power. Once assured, Sukarno convinced Natsir that the stability of Indonesia hinged on the mujahideen laying down their arms and handing them over to the government to enable a strong centralized rule. Muhammad Natsir exerted great effort, using all logical arguments and persuasion to convince Darul Islam, believing there was no danger since he was the Prime Minister.
However, the leaders of Darul Islam refused and resisted, and Natsir increased his pressure until he brought them down from the mountains and out of the forests where they were fortified. He took their weapons away, and once he had completed this, Sukarno disposed him along with his power. Muhammad Natsir blamed himself until his death, and the leaders of Darul Islam continually reprimanded him. But it was too late for regret, as he had lost his strong military arm in a devastating blow from which it never recovered, making it easy for Sukarno to imprison them and exercise various forms of tyranny against them.
Even if the weapons were to be available again, the psychological shock caused by the wrong decision, deeply flawed and overly simplistic, along with the apparent naivety, would prevent any revival. The psychological impact after losing the symbol of honor and its instrument meant that the fervor, enthusiasm, and drive built up over years through educational methods could be dispelled by a single psychological setback stemming from an unwise decision.
This experience serves as a lesson for both the Iraqi and Palestinian jihads, teaching them to use elections, ministerial positions, and government roles as peaceful means to support combat pressure without considering them as ends in themselves. They must not abandon their grand strategic jihad goals, nor should they lay down their arms. Even agreements on independence, freedom, and the restoration of rights require the continued presence of arms for a period to ensure implementation, meet demands, and prevent deception. Any descent from our organizational heights, which we have fortified ourselves within, would mean revealing our secrets, numbing our aspirations, and sowing seeds of discord among the mujahideen due to differing political opinions.
In the Palestinian context, today there are two competing assets: the asset of jihad, faith, sincerity, and dedication, versus the asset of Oslo, submission, administrative corruption, and exploitation of the downtrodden. The shrewd should not deceive the valiant, and it must be remembered well how in the 1970s, in the Al-Qattan Mosque in the Al-Nakra neighborhood of Kuwait, the youth of the Palestinian community would gather for Al-Rashed to give them lessons about the Islamic path, the nurturing of elites, the feeling of superiority and separation, or about jihad jurisprudence and its equations, or about balanced steps and strategic planning. Those educational sessions were exemplars for the environments where some Hamas leaders were nurtured, and some of its fighters grew up.
Iraqi jihad leaders remember well the gesture to a high moon that does not set, a dawn that heralds, and a shining sun that does not wane. Before them, during the war, there was early talk about the lack of jihad security under intelligence services, and the call for immediate jihad after the missiles ceased, with a U.S. Marine face-to-face with an Iraqi fighting the infidels. Over time, they have learned the lesson to maintain their strength even after the American withdrawal to address potential civil war scenarios from factions that oppose historical wisdom and seek to eliminate the other side, intertwined with malicious sectarian desires, and falsehoods codified in an unjust constitution in a moment of negligence by the free. This situation has become entrenched in Jewish plans that aim to divide Iraq, hidden behind the allure of federalism terminology.
This firm conviction has produced numerous “work doctrines” and “performance equations,” forming a distinctive methodology in “contemporary jihad” with its jurisprudence and added efforts, inherited from the legacy of “Islamic jihad” over the centuries. We must avoid deviation, eccentricity, or softness today, but instead, adhere to the inherited wisdom from trusted sources, adding further good, and deriving what suits the new reality.
We adhere to the doctrine of taking refuge under the clouds of the sky, olive branches, and green palm fronds, not under pavilions stained with the blood of oppressed Muslims.
We take pride in discovering the doctrine of independence on the day of mingling.
We follow the Hanafi doctrine of Karaha Tanzihiyya (actions that are not forbidden but are better avoided), avoiding sources of contamination.
We embrace the principle of strict separation, adhering to the prohibition of impurity.
We take pride in the doctrine of superiority on the righteous and lofty path.
We lean towards the doctrine of legal precaution, from doubt to certainty.
We sing songs of chastity and chants of loyalty and disavowal.
In all this, there are covenants, pacts, and contracts, witnessed by Allah, with days as our testimony, and people as our witnesses. We have written stories, set examples, and chanted verses of optimism, hope, and aspiration.
And Allah is the most protective, He is the guardian of fate.
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A message written by Sheikh Muhammad Ahmad Al-Rashid following “Hamas” winning the elections in Palestine.
Source: “Palestine Dialogue Network.”
The testimony is: Hamas has mastered and fulfilled its purpose.
The reason for its success and achieving perfection is that it does not rely on mass popular work but rather on selective educational work, picking the elite, educating them in private, and deepening their understanding before training them for battles. Thus, it provides elements characterized by strong will and foresight, making the popular alignment a reflection of the presence of these scholarly soldiers.
In times of need, the true nature of men is revealed.
During battles, the sword becomes sharper when wielded by a fervent heart.
A weapon damaged by rust will not be useful, no matter what.
Just as people adorn sword scabbards with gold and glittering jewels, competing and increasing in this, the blades inside differ in sharpness. Similarly, men are adorned with clothes, positions, and titles, but some hearts beneath the surface lack resolve and charisma, providing neither benefit nor action. They are like fruit with rotted pulp, leaving only the peel.
However, Hamas has made the sword the noblest of Allah's gifts to the people of Palestine, to the people of Iraq when the cowboys invaded, to Muslims in general, and to the free people worldwide, through the contagion of goodness and the subconscious imprint with every news of jihad and every image of a martyr preceding his brothers to Jannah.
In the language of Hamas, the sword has become:
Hamas's practices have divided people worldwide into two teams. Among the men are symbols of pride, adorned with determination, preventing aggression against the nation, rising to every noble demand, making the missionary axis the methodological center for every act of jihad they intend to perfect.
Next to them are the weak, lazy, chaotic, backward who do not live in their era, ignorant who disdain knowledge, cowards who fear confrontation, and selfish who sit idly watching the battle.
The distinction has become so clear that every sincere person has to ask themselves: to which team do they belong? Perhaps a sincere person would even accuse themselves, seeing no bounds for sacrifice other than the highest limits practiced by Hamas, which became an example.
Through the centuries, the young men of jihad have had a passion different from the worldly desires of other youths, full of noble meanings and sublime emotions, with mutual advice among their group.
This has been Hamas's approach since it affirmed its Islamic identity, making all the experiential jihad heritage an educational curriculum for its fighters, starting from the era of the noble companions, passing through the middle ages, and continuing to the contemporary mujahideen.
Hamas first narrates to its youth the stories of how the young companions were skilled and meticulous horsemen, like the story of Abdullah bin Umar bin Al-Khattab - may Allah be pleased with them - where the Prophet (peace be upon him) raced the horses. Abdullah said: “I was a horseman that day, and I overtook the people until my horse crossed the mosque of Banu Zuraik, almost going as high as the mosque.”
(Abu Ubaid said: He means the horse leaped with him until it almost equaled the mosque in height, (2) as if there were high obstacles the racer had to overcome, similar to today's game.) The origin of the hadith is from Sahih Al-Bukhari.
Reading Abdullah bin Umar's accounts in worship and hadith narration might make one think he was an ascetic who only knew sitting and spreading knowledge, but he was the foremost knight.
Not to mention the recount stories like that of Abu Sa'id Khalaf bin Muhammad Al-Yahsubi Al-Surti Al-Maliki, who died in 319 AH, and his son Sa'id said:
“My father had studied the Quran with Abu Abdullah Muhammad bin Khairun, the reciter, for a long time. Whenever Ibn Khairun went to Sousse for jihad, Abu Sa'id would follow him... He had a beautiful voice in reciting the Quran... His son said: I used to accompany him to jihad, and every night in Ramadan, he would lead us in prayer, with a congregation gathering behind him, and I would hear weeping and sobbing from everywhere. He was skilled in horsemanship, fond of buying horses, and would take them to the jihad to guard the Muslims. He would sometimes leave Sousse with Abu Ja'far Ahmed bin Sa'dun Al-Arbisi and Abu Bakr bin Abi Uqba, standing in a row as if the enemy were before them, running their horses until the sun rose.” (3)
As for the contemporary experience, it is not narrated but lived, shaping “the Palestinian society concerned with the Palestinian cause” into an ideal environment for teaching and imparting the art of jihad and revolution to the entire Islamic world, along with leadership skills and dealing with the complexities of international relations and the ferocity of globalization.
The origin of this Hamas's capability stems from the collective Palestinian experience. The leadership phenomenon in driving life does not come from an individual leader or a single organization or party but also from a society with unique characteristics granted by its way of life within the larger community. The clearest example is the “Quraysh society” and its leadership role concerning the larger Arab society, facilitated by Quraysh's commercial life and the Arab pilgrimage to Mecca.
Abu Bakr Al-Siddiq, may Allah be pleased with him, explains this in his speech to the Ansar on the day of the Saqifah, justifying his claim to the caliphate: “The Arabs were torn away from us just as the millstone is torn from its axis. We were the center, and the Arabs revolved around us like the millstone.” (4)
The Arabs were torn away from us, meaning they were separated from us, making Quraysh the axis around which the Arabs revolved. This leadership position developed gradually and over a long time without artificiality or affectation.
Urban inhabitants are generally more aware than the Bedouins and more experienced in politics, and the people of capitals are more influenced by it than those in the outskirts. Any city or region with a lot of literature, knowledge exchange, and intellectual research becomes, after a while, capable of influencing leadership in its surroundings.
Because this phenomenon exists, the preaching orientation naturally tended to dominate some dynamic movements and to discover and develop the opportunities around it.
The Palestinian jihad bloc supporting the Palestinian cause has reached a level of complete momentum, capable of spreading its methods, plans, convictions, and experiences to every other oppressed and unjust cause. This was most evident in its direct and decisive impact on the “Iraqi cause” and the rapid Iraqi response to the call for jihad, merging and uniting the two causes, which was the ultimate success of Hamas.
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(1) Al-Basair 5/132
(2) Lisan Al-Arab 2/598
(6) Aayan Ulama Libya/64 by Nasir Al-Sharif, referring to the book “Riyad Al-Nufus.”
(7) Lisan Al-Arab 1/526
A message written by Sheikh Muhammad Ahmad Al-Rashid following “Hamas” winning the elections in Palestine.
Source: “Palestine Dialogue Network.”