Palestine Between Zionism and Colonialism
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The Arabs in Palestine still continue upon
their path: fighting, resisting, and defending their truth—indeed, their very
existence. Emir Abdullah mediated between them and the British more than once,
but his mediation was of no avail. He heard from the Arab leaders he summoned
to Amman that they expected him to refrain from speaking on their behalf unless
he could inform them that their demands had been met without any reduction. Let
the British do as they wished, let them exhaust all their power.
Had the matter allowed bargaining, the
Arabs would have inclined toward peace. But they no longer had any choice:
either they die now in defense, or reconcile themselves to abandoning their
homeland and departing from their homes if the doors of Zionist immigration
remained open. Hence this persistence unto death in the Palestinian revolt.
Had this revolt erupted in Palestine
immediately after the British occupation, it would have been more terrible and
awe-inspiring, for the land was full of weapons and ammunition. Yet the danger
posed by Zionist immigration to the Arabs had not yet materialized as it has
now, nor had the Arabs in the other countries—let alone in Palestine—recovered
from the shock of colonial betrayal.
But now the danger to the Arabs of
Palestine has become a reality felt by every individual within himself and
around him. All hope has vanished that the British might return to justice or
adopt moderation, after the Arabs saw them disregard the recommendations of
three investigative commissions sent from London to Palestine, all of which
agreed that immigration must stop because the country cannot bear its
continuation. And that was many years ago—so what of now?
Transformations in
the Arab World Surrounding Palestine
Conditions in other Arab countries have
changed: affairs in the Arabian Peninsula have stabilized; the honorable
reconciliation between Najd and Yemen laid the first stone in the building of
Arab unity; then came the treaty concluded this year between Iraq and Saudi
Arabia—a further wide step toward an Arab alliance. Egypt rose to demand a
settlement of its issues with Britain, and Britain promptly entered
negotiations that ended days ago in agreement. Syria followed suit, striking
for two months or more—no buying, no selling, no transactions of any kind. The
crisis escalated, and resolving it became impossible without submitting to the
reality. France reluctantly relented, abandoning the arrogance of force that
proved futile before comprehensive peaceful resistance, and invited the Syrian
leaders to negotiate, following Britain’s example in Egypt and Iraq. These
negotiations are still ongoing; and though they may stumble, there is no doubt
that Syria will obtain what it seeks sooner or later, for no other outcome
remains. Otherwise, disaster would erupt at a time when France is already
overburdened with crises and complications.
The world is changing around Palestine, yet
the British remain motionless there, altering nothing of their policy, not
adjusting it to the new circumstances. This is the astonishing part, for they
are known for tact, flexibility, and adeptness, masters of adapting their
policies to circumstances. Yet we see them now alarmed at the expected
agreement between France and Syria, fearing its influence on Palestine—so much
so that it is said they exerted efforts with France to block or at least delay
the agreement until they finished dealing with the Palestinian revolt.
It seems to us that British stubbornness in
Palestine stems from two reasons. First, they want the proposal to halt
immigration to come from the Zionists themselves, out of deference to Zionist
financial influence in their country and the world. They do not deny that the
Arabs are right in demanding its halt and in settling for the level reached
thus far; and they know that stopping immigration does not contradict their
promise to establish a national home nor violate the Balfour Declaration, for
the promise was to establish a national home in Palestine, not to make the
whole of Palestine a national home for Zionism. This has already been achieved,
the home has been established, the promise fulfilled, and Britain has honored
its pledge. Moreover, the pledge itself is conditioned on safeguarding the
interests of the native inhabitants of Palestine. Thus halting immigration
would be an implementation of the pledge just as allowing it was. But the
British government delays, waiting for the Zionist committee to propose the
halt after realizing that continuation is impossible.
The second reason is that Britain seeks to
subdue the Arabs in Palestine, forcing them to lay down their arms before Syria
succeeds in its negotiations with France. For returning to revolt afterward
would be extremely difficult, and the nation would require a long period of
rest to recover from the strain of rebellion. Human nature is such that
enthusiasm stirs the nerves and strengthens them so one hardly feels the effort
and hardship endured; but once he finishes and grows still, his need for rest
becomes severe.
This is what Britain is counting on in
Palestine. Thus it persists in obstinacy, insists on harsh suppression, and
demands calm before offering anything or showing willingness to meet Arab
demands. It knows that once the Arabs become quiet, it would be very unlikely
for them to revolt again except after a long period of recuperation. Otherwise,
when have we known the British to fight for the sake of others, generously
shedding their own blood for another people—especially a people who do not
fight for themselves but leave them the entire burden?
The True Ambitions of
the British
The British are not clinging out of concern
for the national home but for their position in Palestine. They care nothing
for the Balfour Declaration—they have broken a
thousand promises like it and always found justification. What they fear is
that the Arabs' demands will rise from halting immigration to demanding the
British evacuation of their land. They are not unaware that the cause of Arab
unity or alliance is advancing, that confidence in its possibility grows
stronger, and that conviction in achieving this hope fills many hearts. Yet we
thought the British more farsighted than what they appear to be now in
Palestine, for the Arabs are natural allies of Britain; they prefer its
partnership over others because it is a nation that has reached
satiation—content to preserve what it has rather than seek expansion. Thus the
Arabs do not fear it as they fear Italy, which is driven by dreams of reviving
a Roman Empire erased by time.
It is in Britain’s interest to secure the
friendship of the nations situated along the routes of its empire and trust in
their assistance and loyalty when needed. Without this, how does it hope for
safety or expect its empire not to scatter like beads of a necklace? But its
conduct in Palestine alienates all Arabs across every land, filling their
hearts with resentment, for the Arabs are a nation that reveres justice no
matter what hidden motives or concealed aims exist. They cannot excuse Britain
while seeing the Arabs of Palestine settle for demands that every British
investigative commission acknowledged as just and necessary.
Nothing demonstrates more clearly the
collective Arab anguish for Palestine than the unanimous appeal of Arab kings
to the British government, requesting justice for this oppressed people.
Britain may be able to extinguish the revolt with its power, to smother the
flame, but it gains nothing—indeed, it loses. It may gain temporary stability
in Palestine at the level it seeks, but it loses the Arabs everywhere. Yet if
it were to return to justice, that would not diminish its standing among the
Arabs nor invite anyone to belittle its power, contrary to what it imagines.
Rather, it would elevate its position, for the Arabs esteem nothing as they
esteem justice. In their eyes, the just is more honored and worthy of reverence
than the strong. Their long history—in its brightest ages and its
bleakest—bears witness to this.
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Read Also:
- Palestine Between International Recognition and the Absence of Sovereignty
Reverse Migration: A Threat to Israel's Future
Source: Al-Risalah, Issue (164).
