The personality of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar (1883 – 1966) has become prominent and a key figure in current Indian politics, especially since the 1990s, when the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party, L.K. Advani, began to present him as a genius model and an ideal hero in contemporary Indian history to exploit political gains, to the extent that his portrait was hung alongside that of Mahatma Gandhi in the Indian Parliament on February 26, 2003.

A Brief Overview of His Life 

Vinayak Damodar was born into a well-known Brahmin family in the Savarkar caste (the highest rank among the upper Hindu classes) in the village of Bhagur near the city of Nashik in Maharashtra. From a young age, he was passionate about reading books and was highly intelligent, memorizing everything he read by the time he was not yet ten years old, and he began composing poetry in Marathi.

His mother died of the plague when he was nine years old, and in 1899, his father also passed away. He enrolled at Fergusson College in Pune, Maharashtra in 1902, where he forged relationships with many political Hindu leaders.

He went to London to study law, and during his studies there, he helped direct a group of Indian revolutionaries towards methods of sabotage and assassination, culminating in the assassination of a British officer in London by Madan Lal Dhingra, who was an active member of the movement Savarkar co-founded in London. Savarkar was charged with complicity in the officer's assassination and was arrested on March 13, 1910 in London. He was imprisoned, spending more than 13 years behind bars, most of which were on the Andaman Islands, until he was released on January 6, 1924.

 Two Contradictory Pages of His Life  

The first page, covering the period prior to his imprisonment, is filled with positive actions aimed at liberating the country from British colonial rule. During this time, he emerged as an excellent ambassador representing the sentiments and aspirations of all Indian citizens in general, and he authored a book titled "History of the National Liberation Movement," highlighting the remarkable features of unity between Hindus and Muslims in preserving the national entity.

The second page, which begins with his arrest in 1910 and continues to the end of his life in 1966, is a dark chapter filled with extremism, sectarianism, injustice, and hatred towards Muslims and their glorious history in India. It showcases how Savarkar transformed from being a builder to a destroyer, from representing unity to advocating for separatism, shouting that there are two different nations in India. He presented the two-nation theory before Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, which ultimately led to India's partition in 1947.

In fact, behind the change in Savarkar's attitudes were two powerful motivators: one was his relationships with many political Hindu leaders who carried the totality of Hindu nationalist ideology, such as Sharada Nand (1856 – 1926), Lala Lajpat Rai (1865 – 1928), Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856 - 1920), among others; Savarkar was influenced by the ideas of these extremists, which turned him upside down.

"And the other who focuses on achieving personal interests to secure life is bowing to the British Government of India; he asked for their pardon and for his release from prison, not once, but five times, as Dr. D. R. Goyal revealed this fact, stating: Savarkar wrote to the British government requesting pardon five times, in which he promised that he would rectify his actions and live his life according to what the merciful and just English rulers desire; he regarded himself as a disobedient son who feels a deep longing and a burning desire to return to the embrace of his mother; that is, the English rulers, to whom he had wronged in ignorance and negligence.

 Hindutva in Savarkar's Perspective

The theory of "Hindutva" is one of the most dangerous extremist theories, not only against Muslims but also against the general human values that Savarkar presented in his book "Hindutva: Who is a Hindu," which he wrote while imprisoned in Ratnagiri prison in the state of Maharashtra in 1923, later sending it out for printing. According to Shams al-Islam, Savarkar could not have sent it out of prison without collusion with the English officers, and the first edition was printed under the name "Marathi" because Savarkar was in prison, and the laws of the country at that time did not allow him to print under his name.

The book "Hindutva" is not large in size, but it is a deadly poison and a destructive explosive for Indian society, which is based on religious, cultural, and linguistic diversity. Savarkar states that "Hindutva" is not just an abstract word, but an independent history. He added that its meanings encompass all aspects of the complete existence of the Hindu element and the ideas, movements, and practices associated with it.

He states that a Hindu is defined as one who considers the land stretching from the River Sindhu to the sea as their land of ancestors and motherland as well, and they are all connected by the bonds of race, culture, and language. As for Christians and Muslims, most of whom were Hindus not long ago, having converted to Islam a generation or two ago, they are not Hindus, even if they share with us the land of ancestors; for they have become different from us in our culture. Similarly, India is not the center of their charitable work, as their center is in the Arabs and Palestine, far away from our land. Naturally, India has long been a Hindu nation, consisting of a majority of Hindu citizens. What happened to the Jews in Germany, who were there as a minority, resulted in their persecution and expulsion from Germany.

 Is Savarkar a Freedom Movement Fighter?

The Hindutva lobby presents Savarkar as one of the greatest heroes of freedom, but how does he attain this position due to collusion with the English?

The "Hindutva" ideology of Savarkar poses a danger to human society in general and to Islamic society in particular, having planted this devilish theory of hatred in Indian society, where Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, and others live together in sectarian harmony. Thus, it continues to threaten the democratic fabric of the country. It seems that the Jews of "Israel" and the Jews of India have conspired against all human societies, as if we are now witnessing a phantom that is on the path to manifesting and executing their conspiracies."

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Read the article in Arabic

The careful study of the extremist theory of "Hindutva" under which Muslims in India suffer reveals its nefarious intentions and destructive goals. This theory is not a product of today; rather, its roots extend far back to three and a half centuries ago during the reign of Aurangzeb, the Mughal king, who governed India from 1658 to 1707. During this time, Shivaji (1630 – 1680) established a limited government, which advocates of "Hindutva" regard as the first station toward a Hindu government.

Before we clarify the horizontal dimensions of "Hindutva," its intellectual and cultural systems, and its true objectives, it is important to understand the term "Hindutva" and its structural composition. The Hindu writer, Naik Jatir Vedi, states in his book "Hindutva and Violence" (p. 141) that the term "Hindutva" is composed of two words: "Hindu" and "tva." The first word is Persian, while the second is Sanskrit.

Jatir Vedi adds that the one who first coined the term "Hindutva" was Jendra Natha Basu, who published the first book titled "Hindutva" in Bengali in 1892. He was followed by the extremist Hindu leader Savarkar (1883 – 1966), who authored a book under the same name in 1923, which caused a stir and gained acceptance among Hindu extremists. Why did Savarkar succeed where others failed?

Perhaps Savarkar's fundamental achievement lies in the existence of numerous Hindu movements, especially the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh), founded in 1925, which embraced Savarkar's theory of "Hindutva." It focused intensely on reinforcing this theory by militarily, educationally, and intellectually mobilizing Hindu youth. On another front, many Hindu princes and wealthy individuals from different Indian regions, as well as the aristocracy, supported and financed the "Hindutva" theory with significant funds.

We must distinguish between "Hindutva" and ordinary Hinduism to avoid common confusion between the well-established Hinduism practiced in Indian societies for centuries and the opportunistic extremist "Hindutva." It is known that mainstream Hinduism, based on the interpretations of its thinkers, is a religion rich in doctrines, traditions, and constructive values filled with tolerance, openness, and generosity.

Conversely, "Hindutva" is a negative ideology aimed at achieving the interests of the upper classes of Hindus. It is a provocative political theory that emphasizes the superiority and dominance of the ancient Brahminical system, seeking expansive goals and control over all means and positions in the country to be subjugated to the ambitions of opportunistic extremists who harbor no positive, tolerant ideas. There is a considerable resemblance between "Hindutva" and fascism in their inherent intolerance toward others, regardless of the goodness or benefit they might bring to humanity.

In contemporary India, "Hindutva," as clarified by Saadat Allah in his book "Hindutva," refers to the systems and intellectual patterns with ideologies adopted by the RSS and other organizations, institutions, and movements that are closely aligned and resonant with the RSS in terms of ideas, ideologies, activities, and mobilizations.

Thus, the relationships among the trio of Naik Damodar Savarkar (1883 – 1966), Keshav Baliram Hedgewar (1889 – 1940), and Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar (1906 – 1973) form a core focus for embodying the brazen vision of "Hindutva." These figures, along with others of the "Hindutva" theory, drew heavily from the violent fountains of fascism in Italy and Nazism in Germany, and they did not shy away from benefiting from global secret movements such as Freemasonry and Zionism, as seen in Golwalkar's writings, especially in his book "We or Nationhood Defined," and in the memoirs of Bal Krishan Shiu Ram Munje (1872 – 1948), which praise Mussolini and Hitler.

We find three important indicators and reasons for the hostility of the proponents of "Hindutva" towards Muslims:

1. The increase of collective narcissism, leads individuals to live in the past, relishing sweet old memories, feeling a sense of superiority, and drowning in deep pride and admiration for a glorious, bright past.
2. An excessive social feeling of persecution; this means that the majority of these people claim that they have experienced harsh conditions, and have suffered the bitterness of oppression and persecution during the time of Muslim rule in this country.
3. The sentiment of revenge incites extremist individuals from the Hindu majority to take vengeance on Muslims for the alleged injustices, abuses, violations of rights, marginalization, and tightening of the noose around the majority during their rule over India.

Elements of "Hindutva":

1. The Theory of Monadism:

Undoubtedly, the fundamental pillar of any ideological system is based on its worldview. The idea of "Advaita Vedanta," as expressed in Hindu literature, serves as a central tenet, originating from the Upanishads.

2. Superiority of the Race:

This concept is based on the idea of the superiority of the Hindu people, specifically referring to the chosen people represented by the upper classes of Aryans, who are considered the indigenous citizens of India. The marginalized classes, which make up the overwhelming majority in the country, have no right to aspire to be part of this chosen community.

3. Hindu Nationalism:

Nationalism is also one of the most important pillars of the "Hindutva" ideology. Nationalism implies a heightened sentiment that one’s homeland is superior to others in all aspects. There is no doubt that Hindu nationalism or Hindutva has borrowed from the new European nationalism that emerged during the modern era in Europe. Therefore, we observe features of European nationalism and deep influences in framing Hindu nationalism. Furthermore, the theorists of "Hindutva" have constructed Hindu nationalism by blending new Western philosophies with ancient Vedic philosophies. Golwalkar stipulates five conditions for the structure of nationalism: first, the homeland; second, the race; third, the religion; fourth, the culture; fifth, the language. He added that if any one of these conditions is lacking, a complete existence for a nation cannot be conceived. According to the conditions explained by Golwalkar, Muslims and Christians do not fall under the banner of Hindu nationalism.

4. Hindu Culture:

In the language of Hindutvaites, culture refers to an ancient Hindu culture that is manifested in various forms through festivals, processions, religious traditions, and rituals. Golwalkar also stated that in India, outsiders and foreign elements from different peoples have two specific pathways: first, they must integrate into the national element and adopt its culture; second, they must be subjected to the national element.

All the efforts of Hindutvaites are focused on establishing a Hindu state and dominating it for the sake of benefiting from the country’s resources. They consider Muslims and the democratic system of the country to be a significant obstacle to achieving their ambitions. Therefore, they cannot tolerate the existence of Muslims in the country. The Hindutva fascist forces continue to target them with great ferocity and audacity. Fortunately for these fascist forces, they have held power in the central government for the past ten years, using all resources and means to eradicate their identities, aiming for their complete extermination or at the very least their marginalization. The "Hindutva" policy leaves no stone unturned, trampling over everything that stands in its way, whether it be Muslim, non-Muslim, or any aspect that hinders its path.

In reality, the theory of "Hindutva" is based on all the characteristics and signs of deadly fascism and false propaganda.