The Palestinian revolution is not a transient event or merely a temporary political movement; it is the story of a people whose roots delve deep into Palestinian history, as all humanity witnessed the sacrifices of successive Palestinian generations who have given their utmost in defense of their homeland and dignity.

This nation, who previously struggled against British colonialism and later against the Zionist settlement project, continues its revolutionary journey today in a continuous struggle that knows no pause or surrender. This revolution does not only mean armed struggle or mass protests; it represents the practical embodiment of daily sacrifices made by Palestinians in every corner of historic Palestine.

Palestinian sacrifices extend across various cities and camps within and outside the homeland, from Jenin in the north to Hebron in the south, passing through Gaza and Jerusalem. Every inch of this land holds a special story woven by the blood of martyrs and the pains of prisoners. Despite the diverse methods of struggle, the Palestinian people continue to fight on multiple fronts, starting with popular resistance in the West Bank and Jerusalem, to armed resistance in the Gaza Strip, which serves as a living model of organized and systematic resistance against Israeli occupation. Regardless of the varied methods, the goal remains the same: liberating the land and restoring national rights.

One cannot overlook the role of the Palestinian Prisoners Movement, which represents another front of continuous struggle. Palestinian prisoners in occupation prisons engage in daily battles to achieve human dignity. Their hunger strikes and protest movements form a significant aspect of the struggle, no less important than the field combat. Over the years, the prisoner movement has presented symbols of steadfastness and resilience, becoming a crucial axis in the Palestinian fight against occupation, where prisoners are seen as true leaders directing the course of the struggle from behind bars.

Politically, the Palestinian cause remains at the heart of regional and international interactions. Despite Israeli attempts to erase the Palestinian identity and remove the cause from the international agenda through normalizing with some Arab regimes, Palestinian resistance has proven its ability to overturn the tables and bring the cause back to the forefront of the international scene.

The Zionist colonialism, which strives to dismantle Palestinian national unity and sow discord, has not succeeded in breaking the will of the Palestinian people, who stand united against eliminationist schemes. Despite the complex political circumstances, Palestinians continue to assert their presence on the international arena through resistance to occupation by all available means.

The revolutionary Palestinian strategy in facing the Zionist project requires unlimited resilience and dedication that surpasses all challenges. Since the Nakba of 1948, when hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were uprooted from their lands, and the Naksa of 1967, which saw the occupation of the remaining parts of historic Palestine, Palestinian resistance has not ceased against the occupation. The Palestinian revolution is not the result of a fleeting event but a culmination of long-term struggle and resistance. It has taken various forms, from the First Intifada in 1987, which revealed the strength of popular will against the occupation, to the Second Intifada in 2000, which demonstrated that Palestinian blood could thwart all Israeli plans to subdue and break the people's will.

Additionally, the Palestinian armed factions play a pivotal role in resisting occupation. Armed resistance is the sword that protects the land and the people against settlement and repeated Israeli aggression, especially in the Gaza Strip, which has become a symbol of steadfastness and defiance. Despite the suffocating siege imposed for over 15 years, Gaza has never ceased offering the lives of its children for freedom and dignity. Gaza is a living example that resistance is the strategic choice for Palestinians amidst ongoing occupation and criminal practices.

The Palestinian revolution is characterized by its continuous youthful spirit, where Palestinian youth form the backbone of any resistance movement. These young people, who have only known life under occupation, siege, and repression, are shaping the future of Palestine through their daily sacrifices. From Jenin to Nablus, and from Gaza to Jerusalem, a new generation of Palestinians is forging its path to freedom, rejecting all forms of complacency or surrender. This generation, raised witnessing Israeli planes bombing homes, settlers storming Al-Aqsa Mosque, and martyrs being carried on shoulders, understands that there is no freedom without a price, no dignity without struggle. Thus, you cannot find a street or alley in Palestine without hearing stories of youths who sacrificed their lives for their homeland, or prisoners languishing in Israeli jails. The determination of Palestinian youth to continue the struggle ensures the persistence and evolution of the Palestinian revolution.

In discussing the Palestinian revolution, one cannot ignore Jerusalem, the heart of Palestine and the soul of Palestinian national identity. This holy city, subjected to the most heinous forms of Judaization and forced displacement, remains a symbol of resistance and steadfastness against the Zionist project. In Jerusalem, the daily battle of identity manifests, with the occupation attempting to Judaize the city and alter its demographic and historical character. However, its residents stand as a formidable barrier against these schemes. The Jerusalemites, facing demolition policies, arrests, and expulsions, are the first line of defense for Al-Aqsa Mosque and the city's identity. Despite the harsh conditions, their resilience sends a clear message to the entire world: Jerusalem will remain Arab and Islamic, and the occupation's attempts to alter its character or displace its people will not succeed.

The Palestinian revolution is not just a men's revolution; it is also a women's revolution. Palestinian women have played a pivotal role in the struggle, participating in armed combat, leading demonstrations, and assuming leadership roles in national work. Despite all the challenges faced by Palestinian women, whether from the occupation or from the social and economic reality, they continue today their pioneering role in building Palestinian society and participating in all areas of life. The sacrifices made by Palestinian women, whether through offering their sons as martyrs or their resilience against occupation, affirm that women are true partners in the liberation journey.

The Palestinian revolution is not merely about guns and weapons; it is also a battle of awareness and culture. The Palestinian intellectual plays a crucial role in shaping the political and cultural vision of the Palestinian struggle. Through writing, poetry, art, and theater, the Palestinian intellectual expresses the people's pains and aspirations, contributing to the building of national awareness that rejects occupation and submission. The national Palestinian culture is an integral part of the revolutionary identity of the Palestinian people. Despite all attempts by the occupation to erase this culture, Palestinians continue to preserve and spread it worldwide. Today, the world witnesses an increasing interest in the Palestinian cause through cultural and artistic productions that tell the story of resilience and defiance.

The Palestinian revolution is not just a historical memory or a passing phase; it is a renewing spirit in every generation. Despite all the challenges it faced, the Palestinian revolution remains alive in the hearts of the Palestinian people, who continue to make sacrifices for freedom and independence.

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As soon as the fighting ended at the Battle of Hattin and the Crusaders faced their devastating loss, messengers were swiftly dispatched to Western Europe to inform the kings and princes about the dire situation of the Crusaders in the East. More messengers followed suit after the conquest of Jerusalem.

The reality is that this loss and the conquest triggered a violent reaction in Western society, which was horrified by the news of these two disasters. The Christians in the West believed that these calamities occurred because they had neglected to respond to the repeated pleas for help from the Kingdom of Jerusalem in recent years. The Crusaders who gathered in the city of Tyre realized that unless reinforcements arrived from the West, their chances of holding onto Tyre would diminish, as all hope of regaining the lost territories had vanished.

Conrad of Montferrat quickly sent Joscius, the Archbishop of Tyre, to Western Europe in the middle of 583 AH, during the summer of 1187 CE, to request urgent assistance from the Pope, the kings of Europe, and their princes.

Joscius arrived in Sicily and met with its king, William II, who responded to this call after being shocked by the news that Joscius brought about the catastrophe that had befallen the Crusaders in the East. Since William was already at war with Byzantium, he made peace with the Byzantine Emperor Isaac II Angelos in Muharram 584 AH/March 1188 CE to focus on the Crusader cause. He then sent a fleet carrying several hundred knights to Tripoli under the command of the Sicilian grand admiral Margaritus of Brindisi, successfully preventing Salah Ad-Deen from capturing Tripoli. (Source: “The Ayyubid History in Egypt, the Levant, and the Jazira Region” by Muhammad Suhail Taqqosh, p. 176).

Joscius then traveled from Sicily to Rome, accompanied by a Sicilian delegation, to explain to Pope Urban III the true situation of the Crusaders in the Levant. The Pope, unable to bear the shock, died of grief on 14th Sha'ban 583 AH/October 1187 CE. His successor, Gregory VIII, immediately contacted the kings of England and France, as well as the Holy Roman Emperor, urging them to set aside their differences and unite their forces to fight against the Muslims. Although Pope Gregory VIII died on 13th Shawwal/17th December before seeing the fruits of his efforts, his successor, Clement III (583-587 AH/1187-1191 CE), quickly contacted the German Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa and convinced him to participate in a Crusade to the East. At this time, Joscius had moved westward to meet with the kings of France and England, Philip Augustus and Henry II. He met with them in Gisors on the border between Normandy and France, convincing them to set aside their intense differences and encouraging them to make peace and join together in a Crusade.

However, they delayed in implementing this, and the war between them resumed. Henry II, King of England, died in 585 AH/1189 CE and was succeeded by his son, Richard the Lionheart, Duke of Poitou, who made peace with the French king and prepared to embark on a joint campaign to the East with him (Source: “Salah Ad-Deen al-Ayubi” by Ali Al-Sallabi, p. 473).

The role of Christian religious leaders during times of crisis becomes evident through the actions of Joscius and the Pope. Here, we draw an important lesson: scholars, jurists, preachers, thinkers, writers, and politicians from our own Ummah should move beyond mere feelings of regret and despair during crises and calamities and instead, diligently work toward what pleases Allah and His Messenger. This includes utilizing leadership skills, persuasive abilities, effective planning, and presenting a visionary and civilizational approach for the elevation of Allah’s religion and repelling invaders. 

The Crusaders arrived in the Levant in vast numbers beyond counting. This is evidenced by a letter sent by Salah Ad-Deen  to the Abbasid Caliph in Baghdad in 586 AH/1190 CE, in which he reported: Islam has been afflicted by people who have embraced death, responded to the call, abandoned their loved ones and homelands, forsaken the familiar, family, and homes, ventured into the seas, and sacrificed their lives—all in obedience to their priests. Christians from all groups and nationalities have emerged. Those unable to join the fight themselves have equipped those who can with resources and wealth.

Women also participated in the Third Crusade. Some women accompanied knights and took responsibility for all their needs of supplies and equipment. For example, Abu Shama and others mentioned that in 585 AH/1189 CE, a noble Christian woman arrived by sea in the Levant with 500 knights and their horses, as well as their followers. She provided everything they needed, and they would ride when she rode, charge when she charged, and leap when she leaped. Some women even wore armor and dressed as men to take part in battles themselves, believing that their actions were acts of worship. Others joined to provide medical aid to strangers and to please the Crusaders by offering themselves for their enjoyment, to prevent boredom from seeping into the hearts of the fighters (Source: “Salah Ad-Deen and the Crusaders” by Abdullah al-Ghamidi, p. 238).

Meanwhile, William II, King of Sicily, hastened to send a fleet in 585 AH/1189 CE consisting of sixty ships with ten thousand soldiers, led by a naval commander named “Margaritus.” The fleet sailed to the city of Tyre, then returned to Tripoli, but was of little benefit to the Crusaders because the supplies it carried were insufficient for the men aboard (Source: “Mufarrij Al-Kurub Fi Akhbar Bani Ayyub” by Jamal Ibn Wasil, vol. 2, p. 558).

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Since 1967, the West Bank and Jerusalem have witnessed a series of settlement waves that constituted radical transformations in the geographical and political situation of the region. Despite the heavy defeat suffered by the Arab countries during that period, it did not lead to the comprehensive displacement of Palestinians as happened in the Nakba of 1948.

After occupying these lands, the Zionist occupation began implementing expansionist strategies aimed at reducing the Palestinian population density and consolidating its control by building new settlements and expanding existing ones.

These waves range between attempts to expand the settlement area by building new settlements and strengthening control over the lands through policies aimed at changing the demographic and geographical reality.

The settlement has gone through several stages, each of which reflects different government policies and specific strategic goals, the most prominent of which are:

• The first wave (1967-1976):

It began immediately after the occupation, as the occupation government aimed to consolidate control over the Palestinian territories and avoid managing the affairs of Palestinian citizens. This stage was characterized by caution in building settlements and attention to basic infrastructure.

The number of settlements established during this period amounted to about 34 settlements. The occupation also demolished the Palestinian Moroccan neighborhood, which was adjacent to the Buraq Wall, and turned it into a Jewish settlement neighborhood in the Old City. These steps were aimed at consolidating the occupation's control over the eastern part of the Holy City.

• The second wave (1977-1987):

With the rise of the right to power in the Zionist entity in 1977, extremist forces rushed to build settlements on the ground for ideological, security, political and economic motives. This period witnessed the establishment of dozens of new settlements and the raising of slogans calling for the deportation of the Palestinians.

98 new settlements were built in the West Bank during that period, most of which was established at the initiative of the ruling right-wing Likud Party and the extremist religious Zionist movement "Gush Emunim", which was active in settlement activities.

• The third wave (1996-2022 AD):

It came in light of the political settlement process that began in the nineties, as the Zionist right sought to obstruct reaching final solutions for fear of handing over Palestinian lands and establishing an independent Palestinian state. This period was characterized by the acceleration of settlement construction to confront any progress in the negotiations.

It aimed to comprehensively Judaize Area (C), which is the area subject to security and administrative occupation according to the Oslo Accords, which constitutes 60% of the area of ​​the West Bank. It also sought to achieve geographical continuity between some distant settlements or between settlement blocs and to expand control over strategic peaks and heights in the West Bank. This wave worked to bring about radical changes in geography and demographics, supporting the settlement project in the West Bank.

The Zionists called them "illegal settlement outposts", a misleading name that aims to downplay the importance and size of this settlement attack, which may be the largest among the waves of settlement in the West Bank.

• The Fourth Wave (2002):

It emerged after the failure of the settlement process and the outbreak of the Second Palestinian Intifada in 2000, as the Zionist leadership believed that the time was right to impose control over as much of the West Bank as possible, so the settlement was greatly expanded and the Palestinian lands were divided into isolated cantons.

This wave was launched under the right's control of the seats of government in the occupying state, as it was initiated by the Prime Minister of the occupation, Ariel Sharon, who assumed leadership between 2001 and 2006, then he was succeeded by Ehud Olmert (2006-2009), and after him Benjamin Netanyahu (2009-2021), all of whom were symbols of the extremist Zionist right that sought to Judaize the West Bank.

These successive waves embody how the occupation sought to change the geographical and political reality in the West Bank and Jerusalem, which greatly affected the lives of Palestinians and complicated the Arab Israeli conflict.

Man is inherently connected to his history, from the moment his eyes open in this world until his final moments in it. History is not merely a record of human milestones, but rather a depiction of the human being, his environment, and his society, offering glimpses of a bygone era. History has become a chronicle of human evolution.

In the Quran, Allah often refers to the stories of the past to draw lessons for mankind. He says, "So relate the stories that perhaps they will give thought." (Quran 7:176) and "We relate to you, [O Muhammad], the best of stories in what We have revealed to you of this Qur'an" (Quran 12:3).

Understanding the experiences, stories, and lessons of those who came before us is crucial. Through the study of history, we gain a precise and clear understanding of the world, past eras, the experiences they contained, and the lessons they offer. History allows us to trace the course of human civilizations, understand their rise and fall, and comprehend the factors that contributed to their prosperity or decline. Moreover, it plays a central role in deduction, justification, and more.

Regarding the significance and status of history, Ibn Khaldun, the scholar, described it as follows: "The art of history is one of those arts that nations and generations pass on, and people from all walks of life are drawn to it. It is valued by the elite and the commoners alike. It attracts kings and leaders, and it is understood by scholars and laymen. At first glance, it may seem like mere accounts of days and nations, with precedents from ancient times where opinions are formed, proverbs are coined, and clubs engage in debate. It tells us about the condition of creation, how circumstances have changed, and how territories and domains have expanded. People have inhabited the earth until they are called to depart, and within its depths, there is observation, investigation, and profound understanding. It provides insight into the wisdom of life and is worthy of being considered in its sciences and characteristics."

This highlights the general significance of this field of knowledge. The aggressors and enemies of the nation have attempted to distort our history and implant in the minds of the youth a distorted past that does not resemble the reality of their history. Therefore, the history of Islam in general, and the history of Palestine in particular, has become a vulnerable point that must be guarded and defended, lest Islam or Palestine be attacked through it. Our history has become a target for the arrows of skeptics, deniers, enemies, and the ignorant, just as the sciences of Islamic Sharia, including creed, jurisprudence, and hadith, are targeted.

In the context of showcasing even small parts of this extended history and its great achievements, we present to the esteemed readers of "Al-Mujtama" magazine an overview of the most prominent milestones in the Islamic history of Jerusalem, the jewel of Bilad al-Sham, the capital of Palestine, and one of the most prominent cities in the history of the Ummah. Throughout the successive Islamic centuries, Jerusalem has been a center of thought, culture, faith, and religion, contributing to its further cultural, urban, and civilizational development.

In this series, we will discuss the most significant events that have occurred in this city under the successive Islamic states, shedding light on the scholars, figures, symbols, and reformers it has encompassed, as well as those who have passed through it as teachers or students. We will also explore how caliphs, rulers, and sultans have cared for it, giving this series, upon its conclusion, a picture of this Islamic interest in the city and parts of its scientific, intellectual, and social history. This underscores the importance of preserving this great history and emphasizes that reclaiming this heritage in defence of the city's reality and its importance is part of overcoming the enemy and confronting its arrogance and aggression.

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Occupied Jerusalem faces a series of imminent dangers, as the tentacles of the occupation target every inch of the city in an attempt to change its identity and target its sanctities, specially the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque.

The occupation authorities plan to empty the occupied city of its inhabitants and transform it into a city of Jewish landmarks and population. They have resorted to enacting various legislations since the occupation of Jerusalem in an attempt to assert their control over various aspects of the city and achieve Judaization objectives. ⁽¹⁾

What are the most dangerous threats facing occupied Jerusalem?

1- Daily incursions:

Settlers invade the Al-Aqsa Mosque almost daily, with the number of mosque invaders between 2009 and 2023 reaching approximately 303,284 invaders. ⁽²⁾

2- Expulsion:

Expulsion from "Al-Aqsa" is considered a punitive measure against the protesters and worshippers, with the number of Palestinians expelled from the mosque between 2013 and 2023 reaching approximately 3,501 Palestinians. ⁽³⁾

3- Distortion of city landmarks:

The occupation has escalated the construction of Judaizing landmarks aimed at distorting the Arab and Islamic appearance of the city. The occupation has built over 100 Jewish landmarks in the Old City and its surroundings. ⁽⁴⁾

4- Settlement:

In efforts to increase the number of settlers, the occupation's branches approved the construction of approximately 125,591 new settlement units between 2014 and 2023. ⁽⁵⁾

5- Demolition of Jerusalemite Homes:

Israeli occupation authorities demolished approximately 1,869 homes and structures in occupied Jerusalem between January 1, 2009, and March 1, 2024. This led to the displacement of around 3,848 Palestinians, and more than 49,000 others were affected. ⁽⁶⁾

6- Arrests:

Israeli occupation forces arrested around 9,052 Palestinians from occupied Jerusalem between 2021 and 2023, constituting about 2.5% of the total Palestinian population in Jerusalem. ⁽⁷⁾

7- ID Revocations:

According to the Israeli "HaMoked" Centre for Défense of the Individual, Israeli occupation authorities revoked the IDs of 14,727 Palestinians from occupied Jerusalem between 1967 and 2021. ⁽⁸⁾

8- Impoverishment of Jerusalemite Palestinians:

Israeli policies have led to the impoverishment of the Palestinian community in Jerusalem. Approximately 77.5% of Palestinian families in the eastern part of Jerusalem live below the poverty line, and 86% of Palestinian children in Jerusalem are impoverished.Top of Form

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(1) Adnan Abu Amer, "The Future of Jerusalem in the Context of Judaization," a study.

(2) Hisham Yakoub (Editor) and others, "The Annual Report on the Situation of Jerusalem 2023," International Jerusalem Foundation, Beirut, 1st edition, 2024, pp. 23-24.

(3) Reports on the Situation of Jerusalem issued by the International Jerusalem Foundation between 2013 and 2023.

(4) Ali Ibrahim, "Judaization of Jerusalem in 33 Points," International Jerusalem Foundation, Beirut, 1st edition, 2022, p. 6.

(5) Book: "Jerusalem Statistical Yearbook 2021," Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research, 2021. [https://bit.ly/3m7hwTA]

(6) OCHA, Interactive Data Map. [https://bit.ly/3rtHaC2]

(7) Reports on the Situation of Jerusalem issued by the International Jerusalem Foundation between 2021 and 2023.

(8) HaMoked Centre’s Facebook Page, 11/4/2021. [https://bit.ly/3MejhJd]

(9) Jerusalem Institute for Research for Policy, Economic and Employment Indicators in "East" Jerusalem, 2019. [https://bit.ly/3xg8J74]

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