Israeli occupation prisons are a stage for the most brutal forms of repression and abuse practiced by Zionist authorities against Palestinian prisoners.
In these prisons, it's not just about restricting freedom; prisoners are subjected to various forms of physical torture and psychological intimidation. They are exposed to solitary confinement, sleep deprivation, and exhausting long interrogations aimed at breaking their will and destroying their determination.
Even after their release, the effects of this harsh experience remain engraved in their memory, leaving psychological wounds that do not heal easily. This makes prison for them more than just a place of detention, but rather a painful station that changes the course of their lives forever.
Among the most prominent psychological effects that the occupation's prisons leave on the souls of Palestinian prisoners are:
1- Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD):
Many Palestinian prisoners suffer from PTSD as a result of the physical and psychological torture they endure in the occupation's prisons.
This disorder manifests in the form of recurring nightmares, painful flashbacks, and a constant state of tension and anxiety.
In June 2024, Gaza prisoner Badr Dahlan appeared in a severe psychological state due to the torture he was subjected to during a month of his detention in the occupation’s prisons. He struggled to complete his sentences, stuttered while speaking, and his eyes were bulging, indicating a state of hallucination and incoherent speech.
2- Depression and Isolation:
Being held in solitary confinement for long periods makes prisoners feel isolated and disconnected from reality, which can lead to difficulties in adjusting to society upon their return. This may develop into depression or social isolation.
Nabil Al-Rajoub, one of the Palestinian prisoners, was released by the occupation in December 2021 after administrative detention for eight months in "Megiddo" prison. He was placed in solitary confinement for 10 days before his release, and his family was unable to contact him or get any information about him during his isolation, as the occupation prevented his lawyer from visiting him. This caused him severe psychological distress, leading to a nervous breakdown, according to his brother, as reported by the Palestinian News Agency (WAFA).
3- Memory Loss:
Memory loss is one of the significant challenges faced by freed prisoners, requiring specialized psychological support to help them overcome these difficulties and regain their lives.
Freed Palestinian prisoner Mansour Al-Shahatit spent 17 years in the occupation’s prisons and was released on April 9, 2021.
Al-Shahatit suffered from partial memory loss, struggling to recognize his family members due to the hardships he endured inside the prisons, in addition to the medical negligence he faced, according to Al-Araby website.
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Assassinations are considered an integral part of the security strategy of the Zionist entity's government, which has increased in frequency since the establishment of the Zionist entity in 1948. History has witnessed numerous massacres and assassinations targeting Palestinian leaders and opponents of the Zionist project both inside and outside of Palestine.
Prominent Assassinations in History
Targeting Scientists
Nabawiyya Musa (1952): Assassinated in America.
Yahya El-Mashad (1980): Assassinated in Paris.
Said El-Sayed Bedair (1989): Assassinated in Alexandria.
Palestinian Assassinations
Israel has conducted assassinations against prominent Palestinian figures in various world capitals, including Cyprus, Paris, Rome, London, Athens, Vienna, Brussels, and Sofia. Assassinations were also carried out in Arab capitals like Beirut in 1973 and Tunis in 1988, as well as in Gaza and the West Bank.
Here are the most notable of these assassinations:
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Sources:
Professor of Rhetoric and Discourse Analysis at Cairo and Qatar Universities, Dr. Emad Abdul-Latif, stated that the discourse of Palestinian resistance has successfully confronted the manipulative Zionist discourse supported by the entire colonial West. He considered Abu Ubaida, the official spokesman of the “Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades,” to be the “rhetorical equivalent” of the “Ghoul” rifle, the “Yassin” missiles, and the “Shawaz” bombs.
Dr. Emad Abdul-Latif believes that Abu Ubaida may be the most famous Arab orator at the moment, as evidenced by his speeches' widespread dissemination and impact. His speeches have become decisive in shaping perceptions of events and positions on them, considering Abu Ubaida's voice a beacon of light due to its firmness, pride, and dignity.
In this interview with Dr. Emad Abdul-Latif, we explore numerous issues related to the discourse of the resistance, its ability to counter the Zionist occupation's discourse, and its capacity to present a humanistic narrative that attracts broad support for the just Palestinian cause and its valiant resistance.
Given your interest in analyzing the discourse of the resistance, how important are the messages conveyed by the resistance, especially during wartime?
Resisting occupation is a struggle fought on multiple fronts. Its battles take place in trenches and tunnels, as well as on television screens, Facebook pages, and negotiation rooms. The primary goal of any settler colonial occupation is to defeat the minds and spirits of the indigenous people, leading them to surrender to the invader by assimilation, death, or displacement. To achieve this goal, the occupier targets the bodies of the land's owners with rifles, bombs, and missiles, and their souls and spirits with words and images.
The resistance discourse has faced the manipulative Zionist discourse backed by the colonial West.
Thus, discourse is an actual battlefield. Its role in the conflict begins before the first shot is fired, aiming to sow weakness, and continues during the conflict to support the war machine and weaken the enemy's morale. In the specific case of the Arab-Zionist conflict, Arabs have suffered from defeats in discourse, perhaps more than military defeats, over the decades. The Zionist-colonial alliance has managed to completely distort the realities of the conflict and promote false myths believed by billions of people for over 80 years.
The resistance has achieved significant victories in the battle of discourse that are no less important—in the short and long term—than the legendary military resilience on the battlefields. For the first time in the history of this conflict, the discourse of resistance has been able to confront the manipulative Zionist discourse supported by the entire colonial West. The impacts of this victory are evident in exposing the major false myths, such as labeling the resistance as terrorism, revealing the true brutal face of the occupation, debunking the myth of the invincible army, and showing the true nature of the “Israeli” soldier as a coward, incompetent, racist, and savage.
Millions of individuals around the world have united to produce a resistance discourse against the Israeli occupation.
This discourse has achieved significant victories due to important changes in its producers and the mediums through which it is disseminated. For the first time in the history of the cause, hundreds of millions across the globe are collaborating to create a resistant discourse against the Israeli occupation, united by a shared belief in the Palestinians' right to freedom and an awareness of the occupation's brutality. Additionally, the resistance discourse has experienced unprecedented richness in its content, styles, aesthetics, and forms of expression.
From a general perspective, what are the key features of a successful discourse?
Typically, a successful discourse is defined as one capable of achieving the goals and objectives it aims to accomplish. In the context of wars, the success of a discourse is measured by its ability to create a state of mental, spiritual, and moral resilience among soldiers, inflicting a moral defeat on the enemy's spirit, mind, and psyche. Additionally, it must legitimize the act of war and construct a particular understanding of it that serves the interests of the fighting party.
How closely does the resistance discourse align with these features?
By the standards of material success, the resistance discourse has managed to confront the Zionist discourse on several fronts. On the domestic front, the occupation attempted to sow discord and division between the Palestinian people and their resistance. Thanks to the intensive solidarity discourse directed by the resistance to the people of Gaza, who suffered displacement, destruction, starvation, and intimidation, the internal front remained steadfast despite the prolonged duration of the battle and its multiple fronts.
Abu Ubaida is the “rhetorical equivalent” to the “Ghoul” rifle and “Yassin” missiles.
The resistance discourse also confronted the Zionist discourse on the Arab front. The Zionist discourse in Arabic aimed to discredit the resistance, divide the ranks, and isolate the cause from the Arab people. After more than nine months, this discourse has achieved none of these goals. However, the most resounding victory of the resistance discourse was on the international stage. The impact of Zionist manipulation of global collective consciousness has diminished, revealing the ugly reality of the bloody occupation. An important feature of the resistance discourse's success is maintaining “ethical discourse,” characterized by credibility, transparency, and adherence to fundamental human values such as freedom, justice, and equality.
How successful has the resistance been in the psychological warfare aspect of managing the battle?
War speeches are part of psychological warfare, aiming to defeat the opponent's spirit, awareness, mind, and will. Numerous actors participate in this fierce psychological war. Despite massacres, genocide, starvation, thirst, and manipulation, the will of the resistance, its morale, and its belief in the justice of its cause have remained unaffected. This is evident in tangible actions, such as the continuation of fighting, and in rhetorical actions, such as the official speeches delivered by the resistance spokespersons. Abu Ubaida's speeches, in particular, exemplify the resistance's rhetoric.
What are the key vocabulary elements focused on in Abu Ubaida’s speeches and their significance?
Abu Ubaida's speeches are a small yet significant part of the broader resistance discourse. Its importance lies in representing the military front of the resistance. Abu Ubaida is the “rhetorical equivalent” of the “Ghoul” rifle, “Yassin” missiles, and “Shawaz” bombs; he also engages in battles from point zero. His mission is to counter the deceptive narratives promoted by the enemy about the progress of battles, weaken the morale of the occupation by highlighting its confusion and failures, cowardice of its soldiers, and lack of competence, showcase the achievements of the resistance, boost the morale of its supporters, and send political and military messages to other parties.
Abu Ubaida’s voice is a beacon of determination, pride, and dignity.
To achieve these goals, he uses a range of vocabulary: military terms to describe the war's developments, international law and human rights terminology to address international institutions and global audiences, and religious vocabulary to express the resistance's identity and motivate its supporters.
The public response to Abu Ubaida’s speeches: What does it indicate?
Abu Ubaida might be the most famous Arab orator at present. This is evident from the wide circulation, dissemination, and impact of his speeches on the audience. We need media studies to quantitatively demonstrate this tangible impact. Due to this influence, Abu Ubaida’s speeches have become crucial in shaping perceptions of events and the stance towards them, especially during critical moments of confrontation. His speeches immortalize the achievements of the resistance and undermine the enemy’s confidence in itself.
Furthermore, Abu Ubaida's defiant and proud voice derives its uniqueness from the prevalence of submissive and humiliating voices in the Arab world. Amid this rhetorical submissiveness concerning Palestine, Abu Ubaida's voice stands as a beacon of light, thanks to his determination, pride, and dignity.
This genocide is a black mark in human history and must remain alive in memory.
How can the resistance present a humanitarian discourse to gain new supporters beyond its core Arab and Muslim base?
It's vital to preserve the achievements of the resistance discourse and add more to it; thus, I propose the following:
By doing these, the resistance maintains its gains and presents a humanitarian message.
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Hamas was the reason for the destruction of Gaza. If it weren't for Hamas, the Israeli army wouldn't have destroyed Gaza, nor would thousands of its residents have been killed or injured. Hamas provoked the peaceful Israeli army, leading to the Nakba. When push came to shove, Hamas forces disappeared, leaving the people as fodder for the Israeli air force, tanks, and deadly weapons. The greatest crime of Hamas is that it pushed Israel into a war for which Hamas was not prepared. Hamas leaders abroad live in luxury, making decisions from afar, far from the battlefront. Khaled Meshaal's daughter's wedding cost one and a half million dollars. Iran deceived Hamas, making them believe it was with them, only to abandon them, and so on.
These are samples of headlines published by falsely named national newspapers. I will not respond to all these slanders because they represent the mentality of a group of mercenary journalists who belong to what I have previously called the “swamp school.”
These journalists have forgotten the following undeniable facts:
– Their killing of 250 unarmed Egyptian soldiers after the June 1967 war, which was documented in a documentary film that no one can deny.
– The massacre of “Al-Sheikh” Village, committed by the “Haganah” gang on the evening of December 31, 1947, resulted in 60 martyrs from the village. Most of their bodies were found inside their homes, and the village was incorporated into Israel under the new Hebrew name “Tel Ganan.”
– The massacre of “Sa'sa'” Village, committed by Zionists who blew up 20 houses over the heads of their inhabitants.
– The massacre of “Abu Kabir” Village, committed by the “Haganah” gang on March 31, 1948, in which everyone who tried to escape from the village was killed.
– The “Deir Yassin” massacre, committed by the “Irgun” and “Haganah” gangs on April 9, 1948. Located on the outskirts of Jerusalem, it resulted in the slaughter of 250 Arabs and the injury of a similar number, mostly children, women, and the elderly. Those who were not killed were taken in trucks to Jewish neighborhoods in Jerusalem, where they were paraded in front of the Zionist public, who threw stones at them. This massacre was led by Menachem Begin, who later became Prime Minister of Israel starting in June 1977.
– The massacre of “Abu Shusha” Village on May 14, 1948, carried out by soldiers of a regular army brigade, resulting in the martyrdom of 50 civilians by gunfire and head bashing with axes.
– The massacre of “Lydda” on July 11, 1948, committed by an Israeli commando unit led by Moshe Dayan. When some civilians tried to take refuge in the mosque, they were pursued by Jews, who killed 176 people. The final death toll was 426 martyrs.
– The remaining survivors of “Lydda” were gathered by the Zionists in the city stadium and ordered to leave the town immediately on foot, leading to many deaths from hunger, thirst, terror, and exhaustion.
– The massacre of “Eilabun” Village on October 29, 1948, where the Israeli army stormed the village, gathered civilians in the town square, and fired at them from all directions.
– The massacre of “Qalqilya” on October 10, 1948, where airplanes and artillery were used to bombard the village, resulting in 70 martyrs.
– The massacre of “Sharafat” Village on February 7, 1951, attacked by a division of the Israeli army, which planted a large number of mines in the village, killing many of the villagers, especially women and children.
– The massacre of “Nilla” Village on February 9, 1951, where a Jew infiltrated the village and killed a man, a child, and a girl in one house. The Jews returned for a second attack, killing and injuring many of its residents.
– The massacre of “Qibya” Village, where 67 civilians were martyred, and the village mosque, water tank, and 56 houses were destroyed.
– The massacre of “Kafr Qasim,” resulting in 57 martyrs and 27 injuries, including a child and 17 women among the martyrs.
– The massacres of refugee camps committed by the Israeli army against Palestinian refugees in the main camp in Khan Younis city on November 3, 1956, resulting in 250 Palestinian martyrs.
– The massacre was repeated on November 12, 1956, resulting in 275 Palestinian martyrs.
– On the same day, after the previous massacre, Israelis marched to the Rafah refugee camp and killed more than a hundred refugees.
– The “Sabra and Shatila” massacre, on September 18-19, 1982, resulted in the deaths of over 3,500 Palestinian civilians, most of whom were women, children, and the elderly. This massacre was planned and supervised by former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.
It is fair for the reader to ask: Is Hamas responsible for these Zionist crimes?
It is worth noting that all these massacres were committed by Israel before the existence of Hamas, which is known to have been established on December 15, 1987.
Another observation is that the number of martyrs from these massacres far exceeds the number of martyrs in Gaza.
It is astonishing that officials and journalists from the “swamp school” assert that Hamas has suffered an irrecoverable defeat and deny that Hamas achieved a certain victory, which even many Israelis acknowledged. They stood heroically for nearly four weeks without surrendering and continued fighting, forcing the Zionists with their devilish weapons to withdraw, failing to achieve their goal of eradicating Hamas forever.
It is also worth noting that some Arab rulers hoped and perhaps worked to help Israel achieve its objectives, calling for the support of Mahmoud Abbas as the legitimate ruler of the Palestinian government despite his term having ended, thus nullifying his legitimacy. Moreover, he and his men are aligned with the Zionists, Americans, and their allies.
Finally, I say: God bless you, O mujahideen. Palestine will remain proud and strong because of you.
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Source: The official website of Dr. Jabir Kumayha.
On April 18, 1996, the Zionist entity committed a horrific massacre in the Lebanese town of Qana. To ensure that we do not forget the atrocities of this entity, “Al-Mujtama” is republishing this article written by Dr. Salah al-Din Arqah'dan, originally published in issue 1714 on August 12, 2006.
Despite the massacres and the blood of the Lebanese, the Zionists will reap nothing but terror and political failure, which now threaten Olmert's government.
Qana, a serene southern Lebanese town, holds artifacts that date back to prehistoric times, in addition to the miracle recorded in the Bible performed by Isa (Jesus) (peace be upon him) at a wedding there. Visitors can clearly see engravings in the rock believed to depict the disciples of Isa (peace be upon him) who witnessed this miracle.
In 1996, the Zionist enemy launched its US-manufactured missiles under the dense cover of American diplomatic maneuvers and stances, using the veto power to block any attempt to condemn the aggression, which the Zionists called “Operation Grapes of Wrath.” These missiles were deliberately targeted at a gathering of Qana residents near a United Nations observation post, resulting in the deaths of 110 Lebanese, both Muslims and Christians, who were buried together in a cemetery that has since become a warning and a testament to the truth of Zionism.
Cautious peace returned to Lebanon following the Zionist withdrawal from southern Lebanon in 2000. However, the Shebaa Farms remained a pretense for constant Zionist threats and provocations against Lebanon. The Zionist enemy continued to detain Lebanese, some of whom had been held since the 1970s. The United Nations resolutions calling for full withdrawal and the return of prisoners remained merely on paper!
Zionist Racism Under American Cover
The First Qana Massacre ended with the burial of the victims, but the massacre, its repercussions, and its symbolism remained entrenched in the halls of the United Nations through documents and Lebanese protests against the ongoing occupation and the non-release of prisoners. It also remained imprinted in the memory of the Lebanese, as the Zionist withdrawal did not alter its symbolism. Qana remains a living testament to the Zionist doctrine and their methods of dealing with others, embodying the only true Zionist slogan: “A Good Arab is a Dead Arab!”
Since 1936, the Lebanese have continuously and relentlessly suffered from Zionist violence, directly and indirectly. They also endure hardships due to the unwavering American support for Zionist policies. The Americans do not recognize any rights for any party other than the Zionists in the region.
Here lies the problem for Arabs and non-Arabs alike in the Zionist doctrinal perception, which views non-Jewish nations as creatures made by God in human form to serve them, having no rights whatsoever, and the crumbs they receive are seen as a favor for which they should be grateful.
Applying Zionist Doctrine in Iraq
You probably recall that before the Americans directed their occupying forces towards Iraq, they sought lessons in silencing conscience from the Zionists. The question they posed, which was reported by the media at the time, was “How should Israeli field commanders order their troops to destroy houses over their inhabitants' heads without fearing disobedience?”
You may also recall that the Americans were not dumb, and some of the stories from Abu Ghraib prison are irrefutable evidence of this. Inhumane, dead-conscience Zionists remain stationed on occupied Iraqi soil, ready at any moment to transfer their experiences from Jenin and Qana to the American occupation forces.
Rice's Green Light
Who hasn't heard U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice say, on the suffering land of Beirut and just hours before the Qana massacre, that “the Israelis are not obliged to an immediate ceasefire before achieving the security objectives of their military campaign!”
Yes! Rice stood over the bodies of our mothers and children to deliver the harshest rebuke to her Lebanese ruling elite audience for forcing the US to intervene directly to eradicate the forces of fundamentalism and extremism, as she put it. This is because the Lebanese government failed to carry out this task for the Americans. Washington's hope was that Arab governments would undertake the massacre themselves, eliminating factions resisting American policy and Israeli occupation, sparing the Israelis the trouble and the US the task of cleaning up the Israelis' image, tainted by the blood of Lebanese children, women, and the elderly, in the corridors of the United Nations and beyond.
Rice's statement gave the green light for the latest Qana massacre, just as previous statements sparked the first Qana massacre and others alike. Qana has large and extended similar massacres, from Bahr al-Baqar in Egypt to the northern borders of Lebanon, passing through over 400 Palestinian cities and villages that share the same fate as Qana and Deir Yassin.
Zionist Failure
But what has Israel reaped in Lebanon? What have the Zionists achieved so far from their declared goals?
The numbers and facts on the ground say “Nothing.”
The Lebanese government's and people's stance has become more unified and resilient in the face of Israeli violence.
The popularity of the Israeli occupation army has declined both within and outside Israel, as it has failed spectacularly to confront a popular militia whose resilience is considered a victory by all standards and a defeat for Israel.
More importantly, the operations of the Lebanese resistance targeting the Israeli interior have, for the first time in the history of the conflict, instilled terror in the hearts of the Israelis, disrupted production, emptied the port of Haifa of its ships, and forced hundreds of thousands of Israelis to stay in shelters and bunkers out of fear of the resistance's rockets.
The Zionists have no more tricks up their sleeve beyond what we've already seen. However, the resistance against the Zionist-American project still has much in reserve that has yet to be deployed. The current war will eventually end, whether it drags on or not, and the Zionists will have to choose a more realistic leadership to guide them out of the Lebanese quicksand with the least possible losses.
If only Arab officials would reconsider their analysis of the crisis and its solutions and strive to preserve lives that Allah has forbidden to be taken except with justice.
And if only the current American administration, preoccupied with igniting conflicts across the world, would look at the legend of “Armageddon” from a different perspective. Christ (peace be upon him) was Palestinian, and his disciples were Palestinian, Lebanese, Syrian, and Jordanian. If only they would realize, even once, that the Zionists track every land where Isa (peace be upon him) ever walked, destroying and sabotaging them. And for the Americans and Zionists engrossed in reading the Torah's symbols, they should pay attention to the fact that the curse of Qana is a tangible and proven reality that struck the former Zionist leadership in 1996.
Any rational person would acknowledge that it has affected the current leadership in terms of its popularity and the confidence of the Israeli people in its army. Let them and their disciples beware of the curse of Qana, wherever they may be!
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