The Al-Aqsa Mosque has four minarets, all of which were built during the Mamluk era, between the years 677-769 AH (1278-1367 AD). Three of these minarets are located along the western side of Al-Aqsa Mosque, starting from Bab al-Ghawwamah (the Gate of the Ghawwamah), then Bab al-Silsilah (the Gate of the Chain), and finally Bab al-Magharbah (the Gate of the Moroccans). The fourth minaret is situated on the northern side, between Bab al-Asbat (the Gate of the Tribes) and Bab al-Hutta (the Gate of Hutta).

The absence of minarets on the southern and eastern sides is due to the fact that Al-Aqsa was built on a hill that rises in the middle and north and declines in the east and south. Minarets require a solid and elevated location. Additionally, human and residential activity after the Umayyad period was concentrated in the western and northern areas, making the need for minarets in these regions greater than in others.

  1. 1. Minaret of Bab al-Magharbah (The Honorary Minaret):

This minaret is located at the southwestern corner of Al-Aqsa Mosque, close to Bab al-Magharbah, precisely above the northwestern corner of the Women's Mosque. It is named the Honorary Minaret in reference to Sheikh Judge Sharaf al-Din ibn Fakhr al-Din al-Khalili, the custodian of Islamic endowments in the city of Jerusalem, who oversaw its construction along with the nearby Fakhriah School in the year 677 AH (1278 AD).

This minaret was built without a foundation and is considered the smallest minaret of Al-Aqsa Mosque, standing at only 23.5 meters tall. The upper part of it was damaged in an earthquake in 1341 AH (1922 AD), after which the Higher Islamic Council demolished and rebuilt it in the same year in a beautiful style, placing a dome on the upper square that had not existed before. Recently, the Al-Aqsa Mosque Reconstruction Committee restored it and covered its dome with lead.

Today, one can ascend to the minaret from the courtyards of Al-Aqsa Mosque via 50 steps leading up to the Islamic Museum (formerly the Mosque of the Moroccans). For many years, the minaret has been fighting attempts by the occupiers to silence the call to prayer, claiming that it disturbs them, which forced the Islamic Waqf Administration in Jerusalem to adjust the loudspeakers so that they point inward towards Al-Aqsa and reduced their volume, depriving the residents of the village of Silwan, located south of the blessed Al-Aqsa, from hearing its call.

  1. 2. Minaret of Bab al-Silsilah:

It stands above the western arcade of the Al-Aqsa Mosque, slightly to the north of Bab al-Silsilah, and is also known as the Minaret of the Court, as it is located near the Sharia Court building, which is also known as the Tinkaz School.

Both the minaret and the school are buildings of Prince Sayf al-Din Tinkaz al-Nasiri, built in the year 730 AH (1329 AD) during the reign of Sultan al-Malik al-Nasir Muhammad ibn Qalawun. The Higher Islamic Council rebuilt it after an earthquake damaged it in 1341 AH (1922 AD), and it was also restored a few years ago by the Al-Aqsa Mosque Reconstruction Committee.

One can ascend to it through the entrance of the Ashrafiya School via approximately 80 steps. Its base is square, and it stands at a height of 35 meters.

The Minaret of Bab al-Silsilah is considered the only minaret among the four minarets of Al-Aqsa Mosque from which the muezzins have been calling the adhan daily until the use of loudspeakers began in the muezzins' room facing the gate above the courtyard of the Dome of the Rock.

The minaret is located in a very sensitive position, overlooking the occupied Buraq Wall, which has been referred to as the Western Wall by the occupation since 1967.

3-  Minaret of Bab al-Ghawanima:

It is located on the northern arcade of the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque at its far west near Bab al-Ghawanima, which is named after it. Its current construction dates back to the era of Sultan al-Malik al-Mansur Hossam al-Din Lajin in the year 697 AH / 1297 AD, but some archaeologists state that it was originally built during the Umayyad period. It was renewed during the reign of the Mamluk Sultan al-Nasir Muhammad bin Qalawun in 730 AH / 1329 AD, and it was named "Qalawun Minaret." It was also called the Minaret of the Saraya due to its proximity to the Saraya building located outside Al-Aqsa Mosque, which served as a seat of authority during the Mamluk period. The Islamic Supreme Council renewed it in 1346 AH / 1927 AD during the British occupation.

It is the tallest and most ornate minaret of the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque, with a height of 38.5 meters, and it rests on a square base, while its upper part is octagonal, accessed by 120 steps. Due to its height, which overlooks various aspects of Al-Aqsa, the Zionists sought to control it through the adjacent Omariyah School, which the occupying municipality had taken over since the beginning of the occupation. Additionally, the western tunnel opened in 1996 passes near the foundations of this minaret, resulting in its cracking, necessitating its last restoration in 2001.

4-  Minaret of Bab al-Asbat:

This minaret is located on the northern arcade of the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque between the gates of al-Asbat and Hatta. It is also known as the "Sulaymaniyah Minaret" because it is located near the Sulaymaniyah School outside the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque, which became the Church of St. Anne during the Ottoman period.

This minaret was built during the reign of Mamluk Sultan al-Ashraf Shaban under the supervision of Prince Sif al-Din Qutlubgh in the year 769 AH / 1367 AD on a square base like the other minarets of Al-Aqsa. During the Ottoman period, it was rebuilt in a cylindrical shape similar to the Ottoman minarets, becoming the only cylindrical minaret in Al-Aqsa.

Its height is 28.5 meters, and it was cracked due to an earthquake in 1346 AH / 1927 AD, forcing the Islamic Supreme Council to demolish its upper section and rebuild it anew. When the Zionist occupation of Jerusalem occurred in 1967, the minaret was damaged from being hit by shells, and it was completely restored afterward by the Committee for the Reconstruction of the Blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque, and its dome was covered with lead.

 

The United States has been one of the most prominent supporters of the occupation since its inception until today, a fact that became evident in the unprecedented support the U.S. provided to the occupation during its war on the Gaza Strip, in addition to its military, financial, and political backing.

This support has experienced numerous upward trends since the occupation of the eastern part of the city in 1967, culminating in the arrival of American missiles used by the occupation to kill Palestinians.

With Trump's return to the White House, this article presents an overview of the most significant decisions and positions taken by American presidents from both the Republican and Democratic parties, since the occupation of the city in 1967 until 2024, in the context of providing a comprehensive view of American presidents' performance and their interactions with Jerusalem, as well as the extent of American support for the occupation, which varied between ignoring its practices and exercising veto power against any international resolutions.

 First: President Lyndon Johnson (1963-1969):

In the aftermath of the occupation of the eastern part of Jerusalem, the American administration did not show a direct position. President Johnson ignored the issue in his speech on June 19, 1967, in which he presented a peace proposal, referring to the city indirectly by stating, "There must be a sufficient recognition of the specific interests of the great religions in the holy places."

This American administration abstained from voting on UN General Assembly Resolution No. (2253), issued on July 4, 1967, which called on “Israel” to “cancel the measures taken to change the status of the city of Jerusalem and refrain from doing so in the future.”

On May 21, 1968, it abstained from voting on Resolution (252), reaffirming the international community’s rejection of "the acquisition of territory by military conquest."

 Second: President Richard Nixon (1969-1974):  

In 1969, then Secretary of State William Rogers presented proposals to settle the Arab-Israeli conflict, emphasizing secure access to the holy places and stressing the importance of managing the unified city, including the interests of the adherents of the three religions. 

Sources indicate that the American plan at that time confirmed the U.S. abandonment of the idea of internationalizing Jerusalem, allowing it to remain under occupation, in addition to dropping the role of the United Nations in any solution regarding its status, and noted that the status of Jerusalem would be settled through negotiations.

Third: President Gerald Ford (1974-1977):  

After Ford assumed the presidency following Nixon's resignation, he retracted his proposal. Just 20 days after taking office, on August 9, 1974, he announced that he would not implement his proposal regarding Jerusalem in order to achieve a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.

 Fourth: President Jimmy Carter (1977-1981):   

The stance of American administrations began to shift with the Carter administration. In 1978, Carter’s letter to Egyptian President Anwar Sadat included a clear reference that Jerusalem is part of the occupied West Bank and that historical Arab rights in it should be respected, along with the rights of its Palestinian inhabitants.

The content raised the ire of the leaders of the occupying state, prompting then-Prime Minister Menachem Begin to threaten to withdraw from peace negotiations with the Egyptian side; this pushed Carter to adjust his stance to align more closely with the "Israeli" side.

Since Carter's presidency, the official American discourse began to retreat from characterizing Jerusalem as an occupied territory, solidifying the distinction between the overall stance on the occupied territories of 1967 and the stance on Jerusalem, especially in light of the occupation's insistence on Jerusalem.

Fifth: President Ronald Reagan (1981–1989):

During Reagan's administration, the U.S. administration began to operate based on "united Jerusalem." In a speech in 1982, Reagan confirmed his support for the "unity of Jerusalem," but insisted that its status should be determined through negotiations. At that time, the American position reflected an ambiguous rejection of settlement expansion. In points on peace published by Reagan’s administration, it stated its support for a "real freeze on settlement activity," but opposed "dismantling existing settlements" during the five-year transitional period.

In 1984, debate re-emerged between Reagan and Congress regarding occupied Jerusalem, as Democratic Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan introduced a bill proposing to move the U.S. Embassy from "Tel Aviv" to occupied Jerusalem. The Reagan administration opposed the law, emphasizing that the United States is one of the strongest supporters of the occupying state, but maintaining the American embassy in "Tel Aviv" is a fixed American policy. Officials in the Reagan administration at that time indicated that moving the embassy would undermine the administration's ability to play a mediating role in the Arab Israeli conflict.

Sixth: President George H.W. Bush (1989–1993):

The Bush administration did not treat Jerusalem as occupied land; its positions on Jerusalem varied from advocating its division to asserting it was a city that could not be divided. On March 31, 1990, a letter was sent to Jerusalem Mayor Teddy Kollek, clearly indicating that U.S. policy affirmed the need to divide Jerusalem once again. The objection arose against the backdrop of the occupation’s request for a $400 million loan to finance housing for Soviet settlers in the occupied territories, including Jerusalem.

Despite the Bush administration's "reserved" stance on settlement activity, its international diplomacy was increasingly supportive of the occupation. On May 31, 1990, the United States vetoed a draft resolution to send an international committee to the occupied Arab territories to investigate the "Israeli" oppressive practices against the Palestinian people.

Seventh: President Bill Clinton (1993–2001):

Clinton’s electoral campaign focused on supporting "Israel," affirming that "united Jerusalem" is Israel’s eternal capital. The campaign did not stop at this clear deviation; it also criticized the policies of Republican President George H.W. Bush, which linked loans to a freeze on settlement activity in the occupied Palestinian territories.

Upon his arrival at the White House, Clinton's statements focused on the necessity of addressing the Jerusalem issue in the final status negotiations between the Palestinian and "Israeli" sides. The Jordanian-"Israeli" negotiations in 1994 included specific statements regarding the occupied city, and the peace agreement between the two sides included a clear clause about Jordan's role in occupied Jerusalem, stating that "Israel" respects the current special role of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in the Islamic holy sites in Jerusalem, and when negotiations regarding the permanent status are held, "Israel" will give high priority to Jordan's historical role in these sites. Clinton's speech during the signing of the agreement reflected a convergence of American views on Jerusalem with the occupying power's views, indicating that the previous clause was merely an attempt to secure Jordan's signature on the agreement.

In addition to signing the "Oslo" agreement, Clinton's presidency saw the most significant development regarding the issue of Jerusalem. In November 1995, both Congress and the Senate enacted the "Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995," confirming that Jerusalem is "the capital of Israel" and that it is "the spiritual center of the Jewish religion." In its third section, Congress demanded that the U.S. administration officially recognize Jerusalem as the capital of the occupation and specified financial punitive measures against the U.S. State Department if it did not complete procedures to open the embassy in Jerusalem.

However, Clinton postponed the implementation of the law, citing presidential powers, and since that date, U.S. presidents have consistently signed decisions to postpone the embassy relocation for six months, until it was inaugurated during President Donald Trump's administration. Despite Clinton's administration's efforts to demonstrate its ability to foster peace between the two sides, its positions on settlement expansion were no less supportive of the occupation than its stance on Jerusalem. During Clinton's presidency, there was an increasing bias towards the occupation, exemplified by the American green light granted to the "Israeli" side to build thousands of settlement units in Jerusalem in 1997.

Although the U.S. administration publicly opposed settlement construction, it thwarted two Security Council resolutions on March 7, 1997, and March 21, 1997, which clearly demanded that the occupation stop construction in the "Har Homa" settlement on Abu Ghneim Mountain in occupied Jerusalem.

In the next article, we will discuss the positions of subsequent U.S. presidents from George W. Bush to Joe Biden.

Man is inherently connected to his history, from the moment his eyes open in this world until his final moments in it. History is not merely a record of human milestones, but rather a depiction of the human being, his environment, and his society, offering glimpses of a bygone era. History has become a chronicle of human evolution.

In the Quran, Allah often refers to the stories of the past to draw lessons for mankind. He says, "So relate the stories that perhaps they will give thought." (Quran 7:176) and "We relate to you, [O Muhammad], the best of stories in what We have revealed to you of this Qur'an" (Quran 12:3).

Understanding the experiences, stories, and lessons of those who came before us is crucial. Through the study of history, we gain a precise and clear understanding of the world, past eras, the experiences they contained, and the lessons they offer. History allows us to trace the course of human civilizations, understand their rise and fall, and comprehend the factors that contributed to their prosperity or decline. Moreover, it plays a central role in deduction, justification, and more.

Regarding the significance and status of history, Ibn Khaldun, the scholar, described it as follows: "The art of history is one of those arts that nations and generations pass on, and people from all walks of life are drawn to it. It is valued by the elite and the commoners alike. It attracts kings and leaders, and it is understood by scholars and laymen. At first glance, it may seem like mere accounts of days and nations, with precedents from ancient times where opinions are formed, proverbs are coined, and clubs engage in debate. It tells us about the condition of creation, how circumstances have changed, and how territories and domains have expanded. People have inhabited the earth until they are called to depart, and within its depths, there is observation, investigation, and profound understanding. It provides insight into the wisdom of life and is worthy of being considered in its sciences and characteristics."

This highlights the general significance of this field of knowledge. The aggressors and enemies of the nation have attempted to distort our history and implant in the minds of the youth a distorted past that does not resemble the reality of their history. Therefore, the history of Islam in general, and the history of Palestine in particular, has become a vulnerable point that must be guarded and defended, lest Islam or Palestine be attacked through it. Our history has become a target for the arrows of skeptics, deniers, enemies, and the ignorant, just as the sciences of Islamic Sharia, including creed, jurisprudence, and hadith, are targeted.

In the context of showcasing even small parts of this extended history and its great achievements, we present to the esteemed readers of "Al-Mujtama" magazine an overview of the most prominent milestones in the Islamic history of Jerusalem, the jewel of Bilad al-Sham, the capital of Palestine, and one of the most prominent cities in the history of the Ummah. Throughout the successive Islamic centuries, Jerusalem has been a center of thought, culture, faith, and religion, contributing to its further cultural, urban, and civilizational development.

In this series, we will discuss the most significant events that have occurred in this city under the successive Islamic states, shedding light on the scholars, figures, symbols, and reformers it has encompassed, as well as those who have passed through it as teachers or students. We will also explore how caliphs, rulers, and sultans have cared for it, giving this series, upon its conclusion, a picture of this Islamic interest in the city and parts of its scientific, intellectual, and social history. This underscores the importance of preserving this great history and emphasizes that reclaiming this heritage in defence of the city's reality and its importance is part of overcoming the enemy and confronting its arrogance and aggression.

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