The sciences have never been monopolized by a single civilization throughout history. Rather, a civilization establishes and innovates the foundations and principles of sciences, but over time, it retreats, unable to contribute or innovate further. Subsequently, another vibrant civilization inherits these sciences, critiques them, builds upon them, corrects their errors, completes their issues, and refines their course. Such is the nature of history.

Therefore, the notion of the centrality of Western civilization is pure falsehood and fabrication. The cycles of history have never halted at a single civilization but follow one another in succession.

The dominance of Western civilization is merely one cycle in the broader narrative of civilization and history, not the end of civilizations or histories. The wheel of civilization is nearing its transition from the West to another nation and civilization.

Thus, clinging to the remnants of this civilization at the expense of erasing our own identity does not make us builders of civilizations or creators of renaissances. It only renders us followers of others.

Decades have passed since the independence of our nations from French colonialism, yet a certain dependency and lack of complete liberation persist. This is evident in certain metrics and curricula, which remain captive and have not been fully Arabized.

For instance, in subjects like mathematics, physics, and chemistry, French or Latin symbols continue to dominate. Full Arabization has not been achieved, despite the enacted laws mandating it.

In some countries of the Maghreb, resistance to retaining French symbols has led to efforts to fully Frenchify these subjects, including teaching and expressing them in French. This is an even graver issue.

The struggle has been ongoing, sometimes intensifying, other times subsiding. For example, in 2016, calls emerged advocating for further Frenchification of science instruction, particularly in mathematics. This attempt was not the first of its kind.

The justification seems to be the language barrier at universities, which teach sciences in French.

Additionally, there are claims about the declining academic performance in these subjects due to the language of instruction.

Concerning the language issue, no one from the "International Mathematical Union" has recommended teaching in a foreign language to improve academic performance. On the contrary, the opposite is true.

In our case, explanations and discussions are conducted in Arabic, while the symbols remain in Latin or French. This duality has caused confusion and weakness among students in their academic performance. This prompted middle and high school administrators to demand that the responsible ministry form a technical committee tasked with reviewing the decision to teach mathematical terminology and symbols in both Arabic and French.

These administrators called for maintaining a single language for instruction and ensuring its precise implementation, arguing that mixing the two languages is one of the reasons for students' poor performance in this foundational subject, particularly for fourth-year middle school and third-year high school students preparing for the intermediate and baccalaureate examinations.

This floating language is unacceptable. Both explanations and symbols must be in Arabic, as it is a symbol and cornerstone of identity. We are not lacking translations to standardize the symbols.

Why hasn’t Arabization reached universities? Why do we still teach some sciences in French? Are we preparing students for the Algerian labor market or the French one?

This seems like a deliberate plan. A university graduate is qualified to lead society, representing its intellect. Those who halt their education before university become the workforce. The intellect and workforce are the pillars of development and renaissance. Yet, migration disrupts development and undermines progress.

Brain Drain

The migration of intellectuals and labor from our country to France is alarming and severely harms our nation. After investing in and nurturing these talents, France reaps the benefits fully developed. Our children do not migrate to French-speaking African countries; they head straight to France. In this way, France continues to steal our people, just as it once stole our resources.

One consequence of retaining French in our curricula is the normalization of foreignness among us, which some mistakenly view as a spoils of war. They are entirely wrong. It remains a colonial tether that has not been severed, binding us and dragging us toward dependency.

The more accustomed we are to foreignness, the more distant we become from the Arabic language, replacing the authentic with the foreign. Instead of the East being our direction, the West becomes our aim. Worse still, this foreignness seeps into our tongues, and we believe it to be our colloquial Arabic, though it is not Arabic at all.

Another consequence of retaining French in our curricula is the Frenchification of our administration. If our children remain in the country and do not emigrate, the administration remains French in language. Official correspondence is conducted in French, administrative dealings are in French, and the terminology used is French.

The French want us to be mere cogs in their vast civilization, not thinkers. They want technicians and laborers who work day and night for certain benefits like money, housing, and healthcare. However, if one steps outside this predefined framework, they are no longer welcome. All the privileges granted to them are revoked.

From time to time, France uses its media apparatus to attack us. For instance, in October 2023, French media reported that the Algerian Ministry of Education issued a new directive prohibiting private schools from teaching curricula in French. French analysts claimed that Algerian authorities are working to restrict their language.

They do not want us to be free. They desire total dependency, which is why the battle is fierce.

This critique does not mean we oppose learning foreign languages, including French. Rather, we advocate for learning languages without compromising our own language or erasing our identity. We seek genuine education that builds individuals capable of advancing their country and liberating it from the chains of dependency and exploitation.

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It draws the attention of our young people today, who are dazzled by the quick wealth accumulated by some trivial individuals on social media. This wealth promote moral bankruptcy and cultural and spiritual emptiness among the world's populations, paving the way for future control over them. The People's Republic of China is diligently working towards global leadership and has plans to undermine the awareness of people sitting on vast, untapped resources. These people must be numbed so that their resources can be easily seized. A platform like TikTok, created by China, serves this purpose cunningly and effectively. It is no coincidence that the United States has banned its use on American soil.

 

The Philosophy of Making a Living

You are not free to earn money by any means available; it is your sustenance that Allah has decreed for you and guaranteed its delivery to you. All you, as a Muslim, must do is strive and seek it gracefully, as the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) stated. This means to seek one's sustenance from permissible sources in a beautiful manner, with piety and optimism. This transforms the worry and effort of earning a living into an enjoyable activity akin to entertainment. This has been the practice of Muslim societies through the ages and continues to be the natural disposition in many areas that have remained pure and uncorrupted.

Today, some people exhibit a reckless defiance against Allah, not considering the consequences. They feel secure from His plans and His severe punishment. They have not given Allah His due regard and do not fear His wrath.

Earning abundant wealth through trivial talk and blatant moral degradation in public to gain fame and money from people is not limited to socially on individuals with weak conscious, who have chosen to waste their lives on fleeting pleasures without considering their permissibility. Influential entities in Algeria, who enjoy authority, have shown us that they oversee these destructive activities without feeling any sense of responsibility or guilt for the dire consequences these adventures have on the system of values prevailing within our Muslim societies, both immediately and in the long term.

 

Other Consequences

In this context, a couple from Kabylia region celebrated a holiday, a while ago, in a foreign style with a cake and candles. They lit the candles with a 1,000 dinar note, symbolizing their complaint about the high cost of living and the fall of the dinar value. Perhaps they intended to convey a political message through the video they posted about the celebration, but they misrepresented themselves with this disgraceful act.

What concerns us about this incident is that the authorities swiftly arrested the couple and brought them to justice for committing the crime of insulting national symbols—the currency. In contrast, the Algerian authorities did not take such strict measures against another recent incident of equal severity, which went viral on social media. This involved unknown individuals and well-known television personalities who glorify the military ruler in Algeria. They gathered one day in a district to hold a “fantasy” wedding for a well-known village fool, making him famous for being a comedian!

What struck me about this wedding is that these individuals, who entered the city from various parts of the country, were no less foolish than their friend. Their antics were widely shared on the infamous platform, saying that some representatives of “civil society” attended this party. This ridiculous spectacle, which could harm society, involved throwing handfuls of banknotes at the groom and tying 2,000 dinar notes, the largest currency issued by the Algerian bank since independence, to his henna-stained fingers. This currency bears the image of the six martyrs who initiated the glorious liberation revolution.

The incident passed as if nothing had happened, or as if the play was staged in the heart of Algeria to send a message to the new generation that immorality, recklessness, and frivolity are paths to “success”—a success measured by material wealth gathered without proper economic efforts. It is noteworthy that this young man, mocked for his ugly appearance and obscene speech, was a social outcast, an alcoholic, and was often rejected by his family. His story gained traction after repeated visits by Gendarmerie Nationale to his home for unofficial reasons. Subsequently, individuals, possibly motivated by entertainment and financial gain on TikTok, promoted him. However, these incidents took on an organized character, protected from legal pursuit despite the public violations, punishable by law.

These are not isolated incidents, but governors appointed by presidential decrees in significant administrative regions of western Algeria also show a keen interest in trivialities during their professional duties. They deliberately issue video clips showing themselves with clueless individuals, distinguished by something that raise strangeness laughter, to present them as role models or at least to occupy people's attention on social media with meaningless content.

 

Religious Deception

Trivialities are not limited to harming national symbols, which authorities must protect. Even religion, the holiest of holies for Algerians, is not spared. Obsessing over minor contentious issues and advocating for their implementation, even if they are disliked or forbidden, has become a hallmark of a group of people vainly trying to alter fundamental principles. They resort to raising peripheral issues that distinguish them within society, engaging some, repelling others, and making others mock what they see and hear.

There are justified suspicions about these people, as their trivialities raise objective questions. Their skepticism about the legitimacy of the legal profession and judicial officers, without pointing fingers at judges who form the backbone of the judicial system to avoid conflict with those in power, is strange. The excessive spreading of legs in prayer rows in a repugnant manner, while being lenient in inciting discord and hatred among their compatriots under the guise of correcting beliefs, is a stark contradiction in this methodology.

Their sharp tongues, stingy with goodness, revealed their true intentions when their hypocrisy, revealing their true nature, insulted the martyr Ismail Haniyeh after his assassination in Tehran, saying, “Good riddance.” By supporting the Zionists and Arab traitor rulers, they demonstrated their disdain for the nation's religious heritage. What is astonishing is that they do not urge Muslims to defend Al-Aqsa Mosque or call the nation to mobilize or denounce the Zionist occupiers!

The saying “every cloud has a silver lining” fits here. These extremist behaviors under the banner of “Salafism” opened the door for scholars and students to review the historical development of Islamic jurisprudence, especially during the period when Muhammad bin Abdul-Wahhab (1115-1206 AH / 1703-1792 AD) appeared. The astute among them concluded that Wahhabism, if generously judged, was merely a reform movement in its time and place, and its later offshoots are not related to it. Rather, “political Wahhabism” is a British trademark, with suspicious manifestations in Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Libya to this day. These offshoots, once in power, did not hesitate to wield swords against Muslims in various regions. This is another tragic story in the nation's life that deserves a thorough examination.

 

Disproportionate Comparison

To compare despite the difference in scale, the CIA wanted Americans to be preoccupied with UFOs and to turn them into a source of scientific, literary, and cinematic fantasy while the space race was at its peak during the Cold War. The United States was secretly developing its missile program, and people had to see flying ghosts to let their imagination run wild. History has preserved an admirable story about the Nazi Werner von Braun (1912-1977), who was under the watchful eye of the U.S. Army after Germany's defeat in World War II. The Americans soon realized they had captured a rare war prize, valuing him for his deep knowledge of space physics, which Adolf Hitler had relied on in his war. The United States capitalized on this mind, granting him citizenship and all necessary resources to benefit from his expertise in missile production, achieving their desired results. He died, known as the father of missile technology in the greatest country in contemporary history.

 

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The greatest gift you can give a person—after guiding them to the right path—is to free them from anything that binds their freedom, whether it be slavery, imprisonment, or occupation and colonization.

A person whose freedom is restricted in any form has their will taken away to varying degrees, and others control them to varying extents as well.

What applies to individuals also applies fully to nations. No nation can achieve renaissance and progress while its freedom is restricted, whether through direct occupation or dependency on a state or a group of states.

Renaissance will not be complete or comprehensive if it occurs under occupation or dependency; rather, it will be incomplete, hindered by obstacles and barriers, or even entirely crushed.

Therefore, there can be no renaissance without the complete liberation of peoples from any form of occupation or dependency.

The path to renaissance goes through freedom, and Algeria, like other countries and nations, could not tread the path to renaissance except through the bridge of freedom.

Algeria has sacrificed much blood in its struggle for liberation from the brutal French colonization and before that, the nearly three-century-long Spanish occupation of Oran in western Algeria.

Algeria suffered partial and total occupation for nearly five centuries, leaving negative impacts on its politics, education, economy, and health, among other areas.

Everyone stood up against this occupation: men and women, scholars and students, the educated and the illiterate, and so forth.

Here, we want to highlight the role of women; Algerian women did not hesitate to stand against the aggression. Some even led the resistance against the French colonizer.

One prominent figure is Lalla (1) Fatma N'Soumer (1830–1863), who inflicted significant losses on the French, delivering them major defeats. The uprising she led against the colonizer remains one of the most significant aspects of the resistance in Algeria due to her courage and nobility.

The French referred to her at the time as The Alegerian Jeanne d'Arc (after the Djurdjura Mountains in the region), a comparison she rejected, preferring to be known as Khawla of Djurdjura after the companion Khawla bint Al-Azwar. (2)

Many other women have also shone in the national cause since the French occupation, such as the resistance leader Lalla Zineb Al-Qassimi, and the martyrs Hassiba Ben Bouali, Malika Gaïd, and Fadhila Saadane, as well as the famed trio of freedom fighters Jamila Bouhired, Jamila Bouazza, and Jamila Boupacha. (3)

The participation in jihad and resistance was not an individual effort for some women but extended beyond that, becoming a phenomenon worth studying. Researcher Imran Jamila counted 10,949 female fighters in the ranks of the Algerian revolution, including 9,194 civilian fighters and 1,755 military fighters in the Liberation Army.

According to statistics from the National Center for Studies and Research on the National Movement and the November 1, 1954 Revolution, concerning the age of female mujahidat and freedom fighters, 15% were under 20 years old, and 85% were under 30 years old, making young women the primary demographic.

Rural women made up about 70%, while urban women accounted for around 20%.

Statistics on imprisoned and martyred women show that 1,343 female fighters were imprisoned, and 948 were killed. (4)

This participation even astonished the enemy. General Massu recorded in his memoirs that Algerian women carried bombs to place in strategic locations, forming a real network thanks to their devices and feigned innocence, enabling them to infiltrate desired circles without arousing suspicion. (5)

Women played a significant role in treating wounded mujahideen. Some combined nursing with smuggling weapons to fedayeen (guerrillas) for their missions, like the martyr Zubida Ould Kabbalia, recorded in history as the first university student to fall in the field of honor. (6)

Others played significant roles in organizing demonstrations, educating mujahideen, and relaying news, such as the martyr Malika Gaïd. (7)

Jihad has its price: martyrdom, injury, or imprisonment. When captured, the enemy inflicted the harshest torture and punishment to extract information. Given the despicable nature of colonial soldiers, they did not hesitate to rape the noble, chaste women. Frenchman Henri Poulet admitted witnessing hundreds of rape cases in just ten months in 1961, mostly occurring in interrogation and torture centers in Algeria. He recounted in his book “La Villa Sesini” that raping Algerian women during military campaigns occurred at a rate of nine out of ten. (8)

After gaining independence, dozens of women who participated in the revolution continued to work in public life, such as Z'hor Ounissi, a politician and writer who held various ministerial positions, co-founded the National Union of Algerian Women, managed the magazine “Algerian Woman,” and served as a member of parliament. Another example is Nafissa Hamoud, a doctor and former fighter in the National Liberation Army, who held ministerial positions, chaired the National Union of Algerian Women, and worked in the health sector. (9)

These are examples of the symbols of jihad, resistance, and liberation from Algerian women who paved the way to freedom and renaissance alongside their male counterparts.

A nation that has resisted and fought for five centuries without surrendering can tread the path of renaissance, progress, and advancement.

If we have not yet achieved the renaissance worthy of this nation, sixty years after gaining independence, it does not lead us to despair and frustration. What was destroyed and erased in five centuries cannot, by any means, be rebuilt in fifty years.

Those who have shed blood do not hesitate to sweat for their nation's renaissance and elevation. But for the martyrs sake, Algeria, requires us not to forget the efforts of our predecessors, to walk in their footsteps, follow their path, and continue their journey.

 

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  1. Means honorable woman.
  2. https://www.aljazeera.net/encyclopedia/2014/11/30/%D9%81%D8%A7%D8%B7%D9%85%D8%A9-%D9%86%D8%B3%D9%88%D9%85%D8%B1
  3. https://www.aljazeera.net/women/2022/3/7/%D8%AD%D9%85%D9%84%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AD-%D9%88%D9%81%D8%AC%D8%B1%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%86%D8%A7%D8%A8%D9%84-%D9%88%D8%AA%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%B6%D9%86
  4. Ibid.
  5. Ibid.
  6. http://www.ech-chaab.com/ar/%D8%B5%D9%81%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%AE%D8%A7%D8%B5%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%A7%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%AE/item/144793-%D8%B4%D9%87%D9%8A%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%AE%D9%84%D9%91%D9%80%D9%80%D8%AF%D9%86-%D8%A3%D8%B3%D9%85%D8%A7%D8%A1%D9%87%D9%86-%D9%81%D9%8A-%D8%B3%D8%AC%D9%80%D9%84-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%B6%D8%AD%D9%8A%D9%80%D8%A7%D8%AA.html
  7. Ibid. 
  8. https://www.aljazeera.net/women/2022/3/7/%D8%AD%D9%85%D9%84%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AD-%D9%88%D9%81%D8%AC%D8%B1%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%86%D8%A7%D8%A8%D9%84-%D9%88%D8%AA%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%B6%D9%86
  9. https://raseef22.net/article/1088481-%D8%A3%D8%AE%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%AA%D9%86%D8%A7-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D8%AA%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D9%85%D8%AC%D8%A7%D9%87%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AB%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AC%D8%B2%D8%A7%D8%A6%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A9-%D9%88%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%A7%D8%A6%D8%B1%D9%87%D9%86

 

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One of the crises we have been experiencing in our Arab world since the post-independence period in the second half of the 20th century is shakable identities.

This instability is a result of the colonial crusader project, which attempted to erase the identities of Arab societies and states. The efforts to erase the Arab Islamic identity did not differ much among the colonial powers, be it France, Italy, Britain, and others, though the extent of this erasure varied from one colonial power to another.

France was the most oppressive of the colonial powers toward the countries it controlled, despite its secular slogans. French culture remains inherently Christian, harboring a historical animosity towards Islam, Muslims, the Prophet of Islam, and the Quran.

When these colonial powers withdrew from our countries, they sought to perpetuate the erasure of our identity through their cultural, political, and military agents planted before or after their departure.

These agents effectively continued the mission; they propagated secularism through education, media, and culture, fought against Islam by labeling it as backward and regressive, and attacked the Arabic language, overthrowing it for other languages like English and French under the pretense that Arabic is not a language of science and progress.

When soft methods fail to erase identity, they resort to harsh methods, such as eliminating, demonizing, or overthrowing nationalists.

They may have succeeded more in erasing identity at the level of the governing regimes than among the populations, as the people have shown greater resistance to identity erasure than their regimes.

If we look at the issue of identity in Algeria, for example, it is of utmost importance due to the intense war France waged against Islam and Arabism to turn Algeria into a mere province with no distinct features from France in terms of religion, language, or thought.

Thus, the liberation of the land and the escape from colonialism were not separate from the issue of identity. This issue deeply concerned the revolutionaries, who fought France on multiple levels: military, political, cultural, and more.

In the declaration of November 1, 1954, the National Liberation Front (FLN) revolutionaries demanded from France “public and official recognition of Algerian nationality, thereby nullifying all claims, decisions, and laws that make Algeria a French land despite its history, geography, language, religion, and customs of the Algerian people.”

The FLN revolutionaries did not forget the aspect of a united nation; they considered themselves an integral part of the Islamic and Arab nations, as evident from their statement: “As for the external situation, the international détente is suitable for settling some secondary issues, among which is our cause, which finds its diplomatic support especially from our Arab and Muslim brothers.”

Their belonging to the Arab and Islamic nations was further clarified when they discussed the external objectives of their liberation movement.

External Objectives:

  1. Internationalization of the Algerian problem.
  2. Achievement of North African unity in its natural Arab-Islamic framework.

Their movement was not secular, opposing religion. Instead, their political program aimed to ensure that the state they envisioned would adhere to Islam and its principles, stating,

 To clearly outline our goal, we lay out the main points of our political program:

Goal: National independence, through:

  1. The restoration of the sovereign, democratic and social Algerian state within the framework of Islamic principles.
  2. Respect for all fundamental freedoms without distinction of race or religion.

From the above, it is evident that the revolutionaries never saw themselves as part of France. They did not share a common religion, language, history, similar customs and traditions, or a land on which they could live together free from domination and exploitation.

These are all elements that form the identity of any nation.

Thus, it can be said that the constants of identity in Algeria can be represented as follows:

  1. Islamic Religion with Maliki jurisprudence as its legal reference, Ash'ari principles as its theological foundation, with full respect for the Ibadis, who are mainly concentrated in Ghardaia.
  2. Arabic Language which is the cultural language through which all Algerians communicate with each other despite their different ethnicities and colors. However, the dialect contains many foreign elements, particularly from French, which was imposed on the people, and the process of Arabization has faced difficulties, especially in some administrative sectors, despite the existence of an Arabization law.
  3. Acceptance of Ethnic Diversity between Arabs and Berbers (Amazighs) without discrimination and acknowledging Tamazight as a second official language in the country to prevent attempts to create division between Berbers and Arabs. Historically, the Berbers used Arabic to write religious and linguistic sciences.
  4. The Homeland in which millions of Muslims shed their blood for its liberation, bears the shared history of the nation over centuries deeply rooted in history.

The constants and national dimensions of Algerian identity that appeared in the Declaration of November 1st closely align with what Sheikh Abdel-Hamid ibn Badis articulated in his slogan: “Islam is our religion; Arabic is our language; Algeria is our fatherland.”

The idea of national constants was further reinforced in the latest constitutional amendment in 2016, specifically in the preamble of the constitution, which is part of the constitution and serves as its introduction. The preamble includes a number of principles or foundations deeply rooted in the conscience of society, aimed at strengthening national unity and thwarting those who attempt to undermine the unity of the nation and its societal components.

The latest constitutional amendment depicted national identity in the preamble, based on the three constants: Islam, Arabism, and Tamazight. For the first time, mechanisms used by the state to promote national identity elements were entrenched in the constitution, such as the Supreme Council of the Arabic language, the High Islamic Council, and the Academy of the Amazigh Language, all attached to the Presidency of the Republic.

These are constants agreed upon by everyone, except for a few who have turned their backs on their nation, religion, and language. This small group does not represent the Algerian nation, and they are no doubt bound to fail. If it comes to it, Algerians would happily shed their blood for their identity.

 

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(1) National Constants: A Constitutional Reading, by Dr. Jawadi Elias, summarized.

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